Wednesday, October 21, 2026

The Landscape Of Militancy In The Iran-Pakistan Border Region

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(a) https://www.rferl.org/a/iran-pakistan-balochistan-sistan-baluchistan-militants/33879549.html?utm_source=RFE%2FRL+English+Newsroom&utm_campaign=13f3f68ca1-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2026_10_20_07_22&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_-13f3f68ca1-525813035




The Landscape Of Militancy In The Iran-Pakistan Border Region

October 20, 2026

People and police officers gather after a blast near a railway track in Quetta, the regional capital of Baluchistan in Pakistan, on May 24.

Increasing militant attacks along Iran's border with Pakistan over the past few months by multiple armed groups have stoked fears of further instability in the two countries, both of which are already facing multifaceted threats of sectarian violence in addition to the broader repercussions of the conflict in the Middle East.

Widespread poverty, underdevelopment, and religious discrimination are believed to be the main drivers of violence in the roughly 900-kilometer porous border region inhabited on both sides by mostly ethnic Baluch.

In Pakistan's restive Balochistan Province, Baluch separatists have ramped up their campaign of sophisticated attacks -- including the hijacking of a passenger train in 2025 and the deployment of suicide bombers, including women -- and in Iran's southeastern Sistan-Baluchistan Province a simmering insurgency has intensified since the start of the US war with Iran in February.

Unlike the Iranian Baluch, whose armed struggle is rooted in ethnic and religious discrimination, the insurgency in Pakistan's Balochistan is largely secular and revolves around demands for control over the region's rich natural resources.




The area is also home to two strategic ports: Gwadar on the Pakistani side and Chahbahar in Iran's Sistan-Baluchistan.

Analysts say that militant groups have benefited from the complex nature of Iran-Pakistan relations shaped by sectarian and religious differences, competing foreign policy priorities, and divergent geostrategic interests.

In January 2024, Iran carried out missile and drone strikes inside Pakistan, targeting the anti-regime militant group Jaish al-Adl. Pakistan retaliated with air strikes, saying Iran was sheltering the separatist Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) and the Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF).

Iran-Based Militant Groups

The Hong Kong-based Silk Road Economic Development Center (SREDC) documented at least 11 attacks during September in Iran's Sistan-Baluchistan targeting Iranian security personnel.

Five more attacks were recorded between October 1 and 8 -- all of which were claimed by the Popular Resistance Front, an anti-regime coalition of Baluch organizations that joined forces in late 2025 comprising Jaish al-Nasr, the Pada Baloch Movement, the Mohammad Rasul Allah Group, and Jaish al-Adl.

Jaish al-Adl, or the Army of Justice, is one of the deadliest militant groups based in Iran. It was formed in 2012 following the execution of Abdolmalek Rigi, an ethnic Iranian Baluch who led the Sunni Salafi jihadist organization Jundullah.

Both Jandullah and Jaish al-Adl claimed to fight for the religious rights of Iranians in Sistan-Baluchestan Province. Because neither group explicitly sought an independent Baluchistan, however, separatists in Pakistan's Balochistan Province view Jaish al-Adl as a proxy of the Pakistani state.

Jaish al-Adl is designated as a terrorist group by Iran and the United States.

The group is known for its guerilla tactics, including ambushes and the use of remote-controlled explosives targeting the officers and members of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), government figures, as well as Sunni leaders who support the regime.

"Jaish al-Adl is adopting more complex attack patterns resembling those of the BLA and fighters from both groups have used the border region for sanctuary or logistics," said Islamabad-based analyst Iftikhar Firdous.

Pakistan-Based Militant Groups

While religious extremists such as the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP) and the Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP) operate in Pakistan's Balochistan Province and account for a number of the 131 attacks recorded in Baluchistan in September, according to the Pakistan Institute for Security Studies, Baluch separatists have gained significant strength in the region over the past few years.

The two factions of the Baluchistan Liberation Army (BLA) -- BLA Jeeyand and BLA Azad -- have expanded their operations from local hit-and-runs to setting their sights on high-value targets in cities as far away as Karachi.

The BLF is the second most-active group that focuses on guerilla ambushes, attacks on infrastructure, and operating specialized units for more sophisticated attacks.

Other smaller separatist groups include the Baluchistan Liberation Guard, the Baluch Republican Army, and the Baluch Nationalist Army.

Of those, the BLA and BLF are widely involved in attacks on the Pakistani security forces, as well as targeting Chinese-led projects and workers in the region.

In 2015, China launched the multibillion-dollar China-Pakistan Economic Corridor Project (CPEC), a key component of Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative that includes rail, road, and infrastructure investment across Pakistan -- with a particular focus on the development of the Gwadar Port and the excavation of mineral resources such as gold, copper and coal in Baluchistan.

In November 2018, several separatist groups formed Baluch Raaji Aajoi Sangar to coordinate their attacks against the Pakistani state, which they accused of plundering the region's resources.

Since then, the Baluch separatists have not only intensified attacks on Pakistani security agencies but also targeted Chinese nationals in Baluchistan and the neighboring province of Sindh.

Cross-Border Connections

The Baluch militant groups on either side of the border between Iran and Pakistan have little in common ideologically.

"Unlike the Iranian Baluch groups, whose leadership is coming from religious seminaries and hard-liner Sunni Muslims, the leadership of the Baluch groups in Pakistan's Baluchistan Province is mostly university graduates and secular-minded," said Norway-based researcher Kiyya Baloch.

"There are no linkages regarding their agendas. Rather, often they accuse each other of being used as proxies by Iran and Pakistan because groups such as Jaish al-Adl have their hiding places on the Pakistani side, while some Baluch groups are said to have their sanctuaries on the Iranian side," he told RFE/RL.

Abdul Sayed, a Sweden-based researcher of jihadi movements, said the Iranian and Pakistani Baluch groups may have camps or bases in proximity to one another, but they oppose different states.

"Each side accuses the other of acting as a proxy for its respective opponent," he told RFERL, adding that some of these groups have accused one another of killing their members, as has occurred on several occasions between the BLF and Jaish al-Adl.

Pakistan and Iran have a history of suspicion regarding border management. The most visible demonstration of those differences was seen when Iran and Pakistan each carried out attacks against targets in the other country in January 2024.

Iran has long accused Pakistan of supporting militants who oppose the regime in Tehran. Following a suicide attack in Iran's Sistan-Baluchistan that killed 42 people in 2009, a senior Iranian official had asked Islamabad to hand over Jundullah leader Regi.

In March 2016, Pakistan announced the arrest of an alleged Indian spy, Kulbhushan Jadhav, from Mashkel area near the Iranian border. The announcement was made just a day before the arrival of the then Iranian President Hassan Rouhani in Islamabad.

Pakistani authorities claimed the agent was operating a network from the Iranian port city of Chahbahar to carry out terrorist acts in Pakistan.

Given the region's complex security dynamics, indirect state involvement cannot be ruled out, Sayed said. "However, no such support has been verified through open-source evidence or publicly acknowledged by either state, leaving allegations of proxy relationships unsubstantiated."

Firdous said that although Iran and Pakistan have increased their coordination since the tit-for-tat strikes in January 2024, these measures have not yet evolved into a sustained and comprehensive strategy.

"Deep mutual distrust persists" due to the presence of Jaish al Adl and BLA/BLF on either side and the "geopolitical competition (Gwadar versus Chahbahar), differing external alignments and the vast difficult-to-control terrain continue to limit deeper operational integration."



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    Daud Khattak

    Daud Khattak is a senior international correspondent covering the Near East in RFE/RL’s Central Newsroom. He was previously the managing editor of RFE/RL's Radio Mashaal.

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Sunday, September 20, 2026

VANDE MATARAM IN THE POLITICAL CAULDRON

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VANDE MATARAM IN THE POLITICAL CAULDRON

by


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Veteran Lt Gen PG Kamath


(Former Commandant, 


Army War College, Mhow)


Email ID: Lt Gen PG Kamath


 <pgkamath11@yahoo.com>,

Prelude

The Nature of politics in the country has an uncanny ability to stir controversy even on issues which are inert to politics. You praise your country, and you will be branded as a ‘Rightist’.  You praise the Government for development of roads/railways/air travel/health/pharmaceuticals/space programmes; rest assured that you will be branded as ‘Bhakt’; not that such a branding is bad, but rest assured those who brand you are sure that they have abused you.  I remember a comment on one of my articles was that I was looking out for a lucrative government contract.  I have been an infantry officer for four decades, and I really do not know what contract would come to me or what I am capable of executing, unless he means that I will be used in one of the Private Military Companies (as in the Russian Army) to capture an objective in POK or Tibet?

Be assured that once you write in public places, there will be bouquets and brickbats, and a mature writer should not take them personally and should accept the comments from the readers, as ultimately all of us are entitled to our views. Vande Mataram has been a butt of such political controversies, and the Law of the Land should prevail.

VANDE MATARAM IN THE POLITICAL CAULDRON

I saw on TV the restlessness and unease among the Congress leadership as ‘Vande Mataram’ played in the background.  The National Song extols and prays for the well-being of our motherland, and invokes God's blessings for the prosperity of our great nation.  It was the song that had inspired millions for the freedom movement and was banned by the British as it evoked emotion and love for the motherland, which was inimical to their interests. On 24 Jan 1950, the Song was nominated as the National Song by Rajendra Prasad, the President of the Constituent Assembly, who said that the National Song would hold the same importance as the National Anthem; however, sadly, it was not mentioned in the Constitution of India. 

The original song was taken from Anandamath, a novel by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee written in 1875.  The background of the novel was the devastating Bengal Famine of 1770.  The general discontent and oppressive British rule galvanised a Sanyasi Rebellion.  The song that aroused emotional patriotic fervour among the Sanyasis (Sanatanis) was Vande Mataram.  The song prays for the prosperity of our country, with swaying crops, sparkling waters, abundance of fruits and multi coloured flowers. It also depicts the cool moonlight, green foliage and the happiness and sweetness it gives to its people. The third stanza speaks of the strength of its people who pray for their motherland.  The fourth speaks of knowledge, faith, strength and devotion. The fifth stanza invokes Goddesses Durga, Lakshmi and Saraswati for strength, prosperity and knowledge. Lastly, the sixth stanza sings about an ever-smiling, beautiful land that nourishes and sustains its people.  During the struggle for Indian Independence, the song became a Mantra of the nation to invoke patriotism and fanned the flame of the Independence Movement.

As the Indian Muslim League, led by Jinnah (founder of Pakistan), had reservations about singing for Hindu Goddesses, in the CWC Meeting of 1937, presided over by Nehru, a resolution was passed endorsing only two stanzas of the Vande Mataram as the National Song.  Please note it was a party resolution and does not have legal locus standi to make it applicable to the whole nation.

In 1950, when Vande Mataram was nominated as the National Song, Jinnah had gone and founded Pakistan, and those Muslims who did not want to be in India had already left for Pakistan, and the issue of objections to the song, if any, was not relevant. Despite its adoption as the National Song, it was still omitted from the Constitution of India. 

On the 150th Anniversary of the National Song, the present Government passed the Prevention of Insults to National Honour (Amendment) Bill, 2026 and made it into an Act this month.  It now mandates that the National Song include all its six stanzas as it was at its inception, and would get the same honour and status as the Indian National Anthem. It also criminalises disrespect to it with a maximum punishment of three years in prison/fine or both.

What was amusing was that the Congress Leadership was seen deliberately disrespecting the National Song. What added to the amusement was the explanation given by a lackey of the party that SG was asking someone to bring a chair to the ageing President of the Congress.

Wait and watch; more amusement was in store:  Sadly, the President of Congress was not given a chair despite her entreaties.  Later, the Congress stated that the party would only consider two stanzas as the National Song, as sung by Gandhi, Nehru, and Patel. Many came up with the idea to seek an apology from the three offenders who deliberately disrespected the National Song.

In the entire drama, I do not understand: if Gandhi, Nehru, and Patel had sung only two stanzas, does it mean that what they did would be sacrosanct for eternity and the free will of the nation becomes subservient to what they did? Bharat does not belong to Gandhi, or Nehru, or Patel or even to Narendra Modi.  Bharat belongs to the people of this country, and the will of the nation coalesces in the authority of the serving Prime Minister.  As per the Constitution, the bill becomes an Act after it is passed by the Parliament.  Then where is the question of apology or lip service?  The Law of the Land should take its course and FIRs need to be registered against the offenders, and Kapil Sibal is always there to fight such cases which are inimical to national interests:  His services should be sought, and I am sure the ever condescending Court will acquit them on the basis that SG was concerned of health of the ageing President of Congress, and her son was also equally concerned; as the ailing patriarch was about to faint hearing uncalled praises for the nation.   The Court would acquit all of them and may also commend their humanitarian concerns for the ageing President of their Party.  

I contend that the Law of the Land applies to all, and tomorrow, if a common citizen disrespects the National Song, would they seek his apology or charge him as per law? Obviously, he would be subject to the verdict of the court sans the services of Kapil Sibal. 

The Congress President proclaiming that his party would only sing the National Song as approved by the Congress of 1937 is a total defiance of the law of the land.  However, the mere intention to insult without an act of insult is not punishable.  The Congress Party is welcome to change the rule as and when they form a government at the centre.  Till then, the people, including the Congress, can choose to sing all six stanzas of the National Song or become a guest of the government in Tihar for three years. We are free to choose our option.

THE END

Saturday, September 12, 2026

From Al-Qaeda To Lone Wolves And AI: How Terrorism Has Changed Since 9/11

 

https://draft.blogger.com/blog/post/edit/7881121750623742708/7580644984357676469


From Al-Qaeda To Lone Wolves And AI: How Terrorism Has Changed Since 9/11



September 11, 2026

A member of the Al-Nusra Front, with an Al-Qaeda flag on his jacket (center), holds a position with fellow members of the militant group on the outskirts of Aleppo, Syria. (file photo)
A member of the Al-Nusra Front, with an Al-Qaeda flag on his jacket (center), holds a position with fellow members of the militant group on the outskirts of Aleppo, Syria. (file photo)

Farhad N. was just a few months old when hijacked airliners were deliberately piloted into the twin towers of the World Trade Center in New York on September 11, 2001, part of attacks on the United States that killed thousands of people.

Twenty-five years later, he was sentenced to life imprisonment for plowing a Mini Cooper car into a crowd of people in Munich, killing two people and injuring dozens.

The 25-year-old Afghan's story underlines how the world has been shaped since 9/11, with both the terror threat and counterterrorism operations continually in flux.


After Car Attack In Munich, Germans And Migrants Warn Of Political Fallout
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The 9/11 attacks were plotted by Al-Qaeda, a group led by Saudi millionaire Osama bin-Laden and sheltered by the Taliban authorities in Kabul who were subsequently driven from power.

After this, Farhad N. – whose surname is abbreviated in line with German privacy rules -- began to grow up in a country where US-led international forces fought for 20 years to keep the Taliban at bay.

Later, he was among hundreds of thousands of Afghans who left their country to seek peace and prosperity in Europe -- only to become radicalized by online propaganda posted by imams in his native country.

He had no affiliation or links to any specific group and appeared to have acted entirely on his own initiative.

"In the old days, we would call these lone actors or lone wolves. This is the future," a former US diplomat with decades of experience in counterterrorism told RFE/RL.

"Nobody needs to be a part of a group…They can be inspired by a group, they can be inspired by multiple groups," the ex-diplomat, who did not wish to be named, said, adding that advances in Artificial Intelligence were exacerbating an "inflection point" in the development of terror threats.

RFE/RL spoke to multiple experts about how technological means that did not exist 25 years ago, including drones, AI, and social media -- are creating a completely new and more dangerous environment.

"We're beginning to see a lot more online presence. We're beginning to see a lot more use of influencers…in addition to the standardized actors that we have become used to in the terrorist scene, we also have lone actors, those who are influenced," retired US General Joseph Votel told RFE/RL.

Votel led a parachute assault by US troops on Taliban positions in Kandahar in October 2001, just weeks after the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. He went on to play a key role in what was dubbed the War on Terror, serving also in Iraq and commanding operations against Islamic State (IS) militants.

"These terrorist organizations have survived. They've continued to adapt as much as they can...they've become more sophisticated," he said. "The environment is much more complex now for security experts."

'Legacy Terrorists'

With Al-Qaeda, the post 9/11 story has been one of franchises -- groups such as Al-Shabaab in Somalia and Jama'at al Islam al Muslimin (JNIM) in the Sahel region of west Africa, which affiliated with Al-Qaeda by linking their own local goals with its ambition to mount further global attacks.

This diffused structure enabled the Al-Qaeda brand to survive after US military forces pounded its leadership and deprived it of safe havens in Afghanistan in the months after 9/11.

The new US Counterterrorism Strategy , released in May, puts Al-Qaeda and "it's most aggressive subgroup, Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP)," top of its list of what it calls "legacy Islamist terrorists."

Iran's Ties With Al-Qaeda And 'Criminal Proxies'

The US Counterterrorism Strategy lists Al-Qaeda as a major threat while describing Iran as "the world's No. 1 state sponsor of terror." Tehran's backing for groups designated as terrorist organizations by Washington, including Hezbollah and Hamas, is well-documented.

Iran also has longstanding ties with Al-Qaeda. Multiple UN reports say the group's de facto leader, Saif Al-Adel, has been living in Tehran, although a recent report said the regional conflict since February 28 may have jeopardized his security.

Experts say pragmatism underpins the unlikely relationship between Shi'a-led Iran and the Sunni militant group. Retired US General Joseph Votel said Tehran sees Al-Qaeda as useful because its activities "exact a price on the US." Al-Adel's sanctuary may also give Tehran leverage over him.

Iran has likewise backed Hamas, another Sunni group designated a terrorist organization by Washington, and supported its October 7, 2023, attack on Israel in which some 1,200 people were killed and 250 taken hostage.

Iran has also been accused of using proxies farther afield. A 2025 report by the Combating Terrorism Center at West Point highlighted Tehran's growing use of "criminal proxies to conduct attacks in order to maintain plausible deniability."

A UN report last month described AQAP as "the vanguard" of the global Al-Qaeda movement.

In recent years, studies have shown how Al-Qaeda branches coordinate financing and training. For example, UN monitors last year noted a single $50-million ransom payment to JNIM that it shared with AQIM (Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb), AQAP in Yemen, and "Al-Qaeda senior leadership in South Asia."

They're also stepping up online messaging.

"Al-Qaeda in Yemen's propaganda skyrocketed after the withdrawal from Afghanistan up until today. They published more than I've published in the past couple of years," Sara Harmouch, a terrorism expert and fellow at the Frontier Security Institute and at the Program on Extremism at George Washington University, told RFE/RL.

"Al Qaeda in Yemen, as recently as a couple of months ago…had come out with statements and videos inciting lone wolf attacks, asking individuals who are in the West to conduct attacks on the US homeland, into Europe," she said.

Flying Blind?

In this rapidly changing environment, there's another issue: loss of counterterrorism capacity.

"We're flying blind. In the last year and a half…we've lost people and we've lost money," the former diplomat said, adding that the current geopolitical environment has exacerbated the challenge.

"Right now, we're kind of in the eye of the storm between the aftermath of October 7 [the 2023 Hamas-led attack on Israel] and the ongoing Iran war," he went on. "We've lost a lot of good people that had on-the-ground experience, institutional knowledge."

During a September 2 George Washington University webinar, similar concerns were raised by other leading counterterrorism experts.

Tom Sanderson from the Center for Strategic and International Studies noted a "reduction in focus on terrorism, the budgets, the personnel," while Bruce Hoffman from the Council on Foreign Relations spoke of a staff "exodus" from the State Department's counterterrorism bureau, which was restructured last year.

From Ruins To Remembrance: Then And Now Images Of September 11 Sites

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There was no immediate comment from the White House or the State Department on the issues raised in this article. Funding for counterterrorism began decreasing after a review in 2018 and these reductions have gained pace since 2025.

The US Counterterrorism Strategy says "our nation has not been well served by its Intelligence Community, which has been mired in old ways of looking at threats."

Jonathan Schroden, chief research officer at CNA, another Washington-based think-tank, told RFE/RL that there's been a key policy change in recent years.

"Our goals have shifted away from the total defeat of these groups and towards the effective management of the threat that they pose…keeping that away from the US homeland," he said.

"I think the structure that the US has in place now has been largely effective at doing that over the last five to seven years," he added.

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    Ray Furlong

    Ray Furlong is a Senior International Correspondent for RFE/RL. He has reported for RFE/RL from the Balkans, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and elsewhere since joining the company in 2014. He previously worked for 17 years for the BBC as a foreign correspondent in Prague and Berlin, and as a roving international reporter across Europe and the former Soviet Union.

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