Sunday, August 25, 2019

Article 370 - Bridge or Barricade?

SOURCE:
(14) Article 370 - Bridge or Barricade_ Seminar conducted by Daksha Legal - Mr. J Sai Deepak, Advocate - YouTube

Article 370 & 35A  - Bridge or Barricade?



     https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NAsop-a6vM8





#article370 #article35a #saideepak


Article 370 - Bridge or Barricade? Seminar conducted by Daksha Legal - Mr. J Sai Deepak, Advocate





Published on Aug 5, 2019

SUBSCRIBE 1.9K

Key Speaker - J Sai Deepak, Advocate, Supreme Court of India Organized by S Basavaraj, Daksha Legal & Supporters Held on August 2nd 2019 between 5pm to 8pm Article 370 & 35a discussed in detail; Covering Implications through. History Geographical Social Legal International Political

Friday, August 23, 2019

Revisiting Sheikh Abdullah’s arrest in 1953

SOURCE:
https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/comment/revisiting-sheikh-abdullah-s-arrest-in-1953/820225.html





           Revisiting Sheikh Abdullah’s

                     arrest in 1953 

                                By 

           Vappala Balachandran 

      (Ex-Special Secretary, Cabinet Secretariat)



The final break was the Jammu Praja Parishad agitation in the winter of 1952-53, demanding full integration with India. Sheikh Abdullah reacted by spewing communal venom against the agitators, which scorched the region. Nehru asked Mullik to proceed to Jammu and deal with the situation. His mission in Jammu was successful.



Towering: Abdullah emerged powerful in the elections after the Constituent Assembly was constituted for Kashmir in 1951.


Aug 21, 2019
Doubt exists even today whether Sheikh Abdullah was arrested in 1953 on a faulty reading of the mind and motives of that complex personality. Some say that he was a closet sympathiser of Pakistan, while others affirm that he was totally aligned to secular India. Some believe that he was pursuing the independence option, like his bete noire Hari Singh. There are others, like former Foreign Secretary Yezdezard Dinshaw Gundevia, who believe that he was arrested after a typecast police investigation. Gundevia was then handling Kashmir in our foreign office as Joint Secretary.
BN Mullik, then Director, Intelligence Bureau, who had prepared grounds for Abdullah’s arrest, says that the first rupture between the Government of India and the Sheikh came in January 1949 when the three-point proposals of the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP), especially plebiscite, were being discussed. Abdullah would not agree on plebiscite since the National Conference had passed a resolution in October 1948, favouring accession to India. This impression is not correct as Abdullah had clearly objected to the plebiscite idea in his anti-Pakistan speech at the UN Security Council on February 5, 1948.

Mullik joined the IB only in September 1948 from the Bihar police as Deputy Director. He had no experience on Kashmir. He mentions Abdullah's towering status in Kashmir, but found difficulties in judging the veracity of reports from there on account of deep rivalry between Hari Singh (Jammu) and Abdullah (Valley). His first conflict with Abdullah was in January 1949 when the local IB officer started inquiries about an interview with foreign correspondents Michael Davidson and Ward Price when Abdullah spoke of ‘independence’. Senior minister Gopalaswamy Ayyangar, who was handling Kashmir, advised Mullik to withdraw the IB officer ‘in larger interests’. Ayyangar had to intervene again when Abdullah objected to a new IB officer who was not ‘cleared’ by him. 


Mullik could not visit Srinagar earlier than August 1949 to build a rapport with top leaders, although Ayyangar had advised him to meet them regularly. He stayed for 10 days and was convinced that the reports indicating Abdullah's hostile intentions were unfounded. On return to Delhi, he submitted his report to his Director who passed it on to Home Secretary HVR Iyengar. The latter sent copies to Prime Minister Nehru and Home Minister Sardar Patel. Nehru circulated his report to our foreign missions. Patel who was ‘unhappy’ with Mullik's report,  summoned him, told him that he did not trust Abdullah and that Nehru should not have circulated it widely. Simultaneously, Patel was also getting reports from Hari Singh about Abdullah's communal agenda. 
Mullik, who became IB Director in July 1950, started dealing with Kashmir personally. Things changed in Kashmir at a frenetic pace from the middle of 1949, with Pakistan playing subversive cards, like subverting Pir Maqbool Gilani and NC leader Ghulam Mohiuddin Karra, who formed the pro-Pakistan Political Conference. The IB collected evidence of arms smuggling into the Valley. Abdullah started indulging in competitive communalism. His rhetoric often swung from the independence option to accession to India. 


On April 4, 1951, the Yuvraj constituted a Constituent Assembly for Kashmir. Mullik says that it was Gopalaswamy Ayyangar’s idea, but Abdullah used it for his political advantage. Its intention was to ratify accession to India, but its elections enabled Abdullah to emerge as the sole repository of power. This assembly also abolished Maharaja’s rule and created the post of Sardar-e-Riyasat, electing Karan Singh as the first incumbent from November 17, 1952. Mullik says that Abdullah attempted to frustrate attempts by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, DP Dhar and Sadiq for closer integration with India. Rumours started floating that Abdullah was keeping his options open. 
Here, Mullik introduces a surprise twist. He refers to a talk in New Delhi circles that “the Sheikh was the right person to succeed Pandit Nehru or to become his deputy in his lifetime.” Then he refers to an intelligence report that Abdullah was actually a suspected British agent for spearheading the liberation movement in the early 1930s since the British did not like Hari Singh “as he refused to be subservient to him.” “The British had also tried to use this channel to bring about a cleavage between Hindus and Muslims…. I mentioned this to Pandit Nehru and he was surprised.” It is odd that he had introduced an unverifiable factor in his book on Kashmir history published after Nehru’s death.  
The final break was the Jammu Praja Parishad agitation in the winter of 1952-53, demanding full integration with India. Abdullah reacted by spewing communal venom against the agitators, which scorched the region. Nehru asked Mullik to proceed to Jammu and deal with the situation. His mission in Jammu was successful. But he was received very coldly by the Sheikh. When he narrated this to Bakshi and Dhar, they asked him to convey to Nehru that “the Sheikh was using this agitation as an excuse to get out of his previous commitments to India.” Abdullah was dismissed by the Sardar-e-Riyasat on August 8, 1953, and arrested.
In his book Flames of the Chinar, Abdullah blames DN Kachru, Nehru's aide, for his rift with Nehru. In 1968, the Shabistan Urdu Digest published Abdullah's long interview. Its English edition was with YD Gundevia’s articles defending Nehru and Sheikh. Abdullah mentioned a 1965 incident while in Mecca when several Muslim countries offered him asylum in the wake of Indian media’s attacks on him. He refused. On his return, he was arrested again. 
A few months after Abdullah’s arrest, Mullik met C Rajagopalachari (Rajaji), then Chief Minister of Madras (1952-54) who was Governor-General (1948-50) and had succeeded as Union Home Minister in December 1950 after Patel’s death. Rajaji strongly felt that it was wrong to have arrested the Sheikh. “Rajaji said that the Sheikh should have been given a third alternative of autonomy or even semi-independence and the door should not have been shut against him. He apprehended that continued uncertainty and unrest would prevail in the Valley.” 
Should we remember Rajaji’s prognosis when we have now swung the pendulum in favour of Jammu, alienating the Valley? 











Kashmir Problem Has Origin In Fall Of Buddhism

SOURCE:
http://velivada.com/2019/08/17/kashmir-problem-has-origin-in-fall-of-buddhism/





                               https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z-TOu_AITSI





           Jesus In India (BBC Documentary


                      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z-TOu_AITSI

      Kashmir Problem Has Origin In

                 Fall Of Buddhism


Originally published on April 13, 2000, the following article is written by eminent Ambedkarite writer Dr K. Jamanadas.




The Kashmir Problem
Kashmir problem is one which is consuming a lot of lives, time, money and resources of Indians and Pakistanis since Independence. Various wars have been fought on the issue, but still, there is no solution to it in sight. It is worth noting that the origin of the problem seems to be the creation of two countries out of undivided India in 1947.
The majority population of Kashmir had already become Muslim long before Akbar annexed Kashmir to his Empire in 1557 A.D., and it became a Moghul summer holiday resort during the reign of Jahangir and Shahjehan. Nadirshah conquered and annexed it to his Afghan kingdom in 1639 A.D. After the Sikhs’ tenth Guru Govindsingh’s religious movement of Khalsa, a powerful Sikh dynasty was established by Ranjit Singh in Punjab. He conquered Kashmir in 1819 A.D., ending the Muslim rule there.
Hindus made Punjab a slave country
Ranjitsingh ruled Punjab for forty years. The whole of India, the Rajputs, Rohilas, Gorkhas, Marathas and Mughals all of them, one by one, surrendered to the British. But still, Punjab remained independent till 28th March 1849. Ranjitsingh died on 27th June 1839, but the Sikhs kept on fighting against the British. The discredit of pushing Punjab into slavery falls on three Dogra brothers – Gulab Singh, Dhyansing and Suchetsingh. “With the greedy intention of establishing a Hindu Raj”, these Dogra brothers – and specially Dhyansing killed Chetsingh Bajawa, who was running the administration for the son of Ranjitsingh. Then they killed Naunihalsingh the son of Khadagsingh. They allowed Chandra Kaur, the widow of Khadagsingh to rule for a month and a half only, and then killed her. Afterwards, they also killed Shersingh, the second son of Maharaja Ranjitsingh, and his son Pratapsingh. Dogras also killed Ajitsingh Sandhavaliya, a close relative of Chandrakaur. While the Sikhs were keeping up the fight with the British and sacrificing their lives to save their homeland, for two months from 18th December 1845 to 10th February 1846, the Dogras were bargaining with the British. Ultimately Gulabsing Dogra, not only surrendered himself but made Deelipsingh, the last heir of Ranjitsingh to surrender on 29th March 1849. As a reward of this, the British sold him the province of Jammu and Kashmir for 2,50,000 pounds sterling and returned the treasury of Suchetsingh. Thus Punjab got slavery and the Dogras got the province of Jammu and Kashmir. [Bali L. R., “Hinduism – dharma ya kalank”, (hindi), p.248]
Gulab Singh’s son Ranveersingh succeded him in 1857, he annexed Gilgit province to Kashmir in 1885. His son Pratapsingh died in 1925 A.D. and Harisingh came on throne, who ruled till accession to Indian Union after the British left.
But the real origins of the Kashmir problem are from the times when the Kashmir population became Muslims. It is well known that Kashmir in ancient times was ruled by Buddhist and Brahmanic kings and its population was mostly non-Muslim. The story of how it became Muslim is very interesting and also illuminating because it denotes the tendency of the propagators of varna supremacy in establishing the caste system. Let us, therefore, trace the history of Kashmir.
Nagas in Pre-historical times
It is now well established that pre-Aryan Harrapan culture was a Naaga culture, and India was a Naagabhumi. It was during the reign of the sixth king of Naaga dynasty, king Ajatsatru, ruling Magadha, that the Buddha was born in 623 B.C. He also belonged to a Naaga kula. The matter is discussed by us in more detail elsewhere. Kashmir also was inhabited by Nagas, who later became Buddhists.
Nagas in Mahabharata
It is an accepted fact, that Mahabharata had minimum three revisions as per Brahmanic scholars, along with Gita in it. As a matter of fact, scholars like Khair, an ardent student of Gita from Pune, has differentiated the verses of Gita of each of three authors, in his book, “The Quest for the original Gita”. [  https://www.exoticindiaart.com/book/details/quest-for-original-gita-IDG551/ ]  Western scholars like Kaegi believe that the epics continued to be interpolated up to the 13th century and even to the beginning of the current century.
Therefore, it is no wonder that Rhys Davids finds it difficult to assign particular verses to Mahabharata depicting the state of affairs in the seventh century B.C. at the time of rising of Buddha. [Rhys Davids, p. 214] He feels the changes made by priests were “because the priests found that ideas not current in their schools had so much weight with the people that they (the priests) could no longer afford to neglect them.” The objects of priests in doing so were:
“…in the first place to insist on the supremacy of the brahmins, which had been so much endangered by the great popularity of the anti-priestly views of the Buddhists and others; and in the second place to show that the brahmins were in sympathy with, and had formally adopted, certain popular cults and beliefs highly esteemed by the people. In any case, there, in the poem, these cults and beliefs, absent from the Vedic literature, are found in full life and power. …” [Rhys Davids, “Buddhist India”, p. 214]
Mahabharata opens with a curse on Nagas
To start with, this epic poem opens, with a curse on the serpents. Poet uses the words so cleverly that, if carelessly read, the curse could appear to be on reptiles and not on human worshipers. But in reality, it is a curse on the Naaga people. In Adi Parva, the word used is “Naaga” and in Vana Parva, where Bhima gets in trouble with Nahusha in the form of a real serpent, it is “sarpa”. [Fergusson, p. 47, fn.]
“the story of great sacrifice for the destruction of the serpents is so mixed up with historical and human action that it is evident at once that the ambiguity about the name is only seized upon by the Hindu poets as an excuse for introducing the supernatural into an ordinary human transaction, …” [Fergusson, p. 47]
Immediately after the introductory passages, the story Naaga races starts with two sisters Kadru and Vinata marrying Rishi Kashyapa. Kadru, the eldest, becomes the mother of 1,000 Nagas, from whom originates the whole Naaga race. Important among the names of her decedents are Sesha, Vasuki, Airavata, Takshaka, Karkotaka, Kaaliya, Aila or Elaapatra, Nila, Anila, Nahusha and others. The younger sisters give birth to garuda, who becomes a powerful enemy of Garuda race.
“When divested of all poetical garb and mythological rubbish”, Ferguson believes that the heroes Mahabharata, “Lunar race” are of the second horde of Aryan race coming to India, coming about 1000 years after purer “Solar race”, their original seat traced near north of Peshawar, however, has shown all of the Buddhistic sculptures of Bactrian influence. [Fergusson, p. 59]
They passed through Punjab and settled at Hastinapura. In the first transaction with Nagas, they burn the forest Khandava, for making a place for a second capital and dislodge the Nagas there. The Nagas were protected by a Buddhist deity Indra. But attacked by Vedic god Agni, the brahmin poet depicts that all Nagas perished except their king Takshaka. [Fergusson, p. 60]
The relations with the Pandus and Nagas were most friendly as seen by Arjuna, marrying first Ulupi, the daughter of a Naaga king at the foot of Himalayas, near Hurdwar, and marrying Chitrangada, daughter of Chitravahana, the Naaga king of Manipur. By her, he had a son, Bhabra-vahana, who played a strange part subsequently, during Arjuna’s Ashwamedha. From these and other minor particulars, Fergusson feels, “the author of Mahabharata wished to represent the Aryans of that day as cultivating friendly relations with the aborigines.” [Fergusson, p. 60]

The quarrel between Aryans and Naagas started when Parikshit insulted a hermit by hanging a dead snake around his neck. Hermit’s son invoked Takshaka, who is represented as king of Takshashila. Takshaka bit the king to death to avenge the insult. Janmejaya started the great sacrifice for destruction of the Naagas to avenge the assassination of his father. Thousands – myriads – had already perished when slaughter was stayed at the intervention of Astika, a Brahmin, though nephew of Vasuki, a Naaga king of east. [Fergusson, p. 60]

The site of the Naaga sacrifice of Janmejaya is said to be Kurukshetra, but it is more probable that the site is in Orrisa, at Agrahaut. Here the tradition of Mahabharata is preserved by images of kings, who could not be present on the occasion. And the serpent worship is still prevalent in the region. [Fergusson, p. 61]
Naaga Rajas in Kashmir
Kashmir has always been considered as “Naag bhumi”. Ferguson mentions that a century before Christ, king Damodara, as per Raj Tarangani, was converted into a snake because he offended some brahmin, and also mentions many Naaga kings. [Fergusson, “Tree and Serpent Worship”, p. 45] When Huen Tsang entered the valley in 632 A.D. during the reign of Baladitya, Buddhism was flourishing, though the King was against Buddhism. He repeats the usual story of the valley being a lake in the past but adds that fifty years after the Nirvana of the Buddha, a disciple of Ananda, converted the Naaga Raja, who quitted the tank, built 500 monasteries, and invited bhikkhus to dwell in them. [Fergusson, “Tree and Serpent Worship”, p. 46]
Buddhism in the Ashokan period
Wherever Buddhism spread, it always spread by persuasion and never by force. Kashmir was no exception. Ferguson has observed:
No war was ever waged by Buddhists, … No faith was ever so essentially propagated by persuasion as that of Buddha, and though the Buddhists were too frequently persecuted even to destruction, there is no instance on record of any attempt to spread their faith by force in any quarter of the globe.” [Fergusson, “Tree and Serpent Worship”, p.63]
Kashmir was in Ashoka’s empire. A bhikkhu, named Majjhantiko, was sent to Kashmir and Gandhara by Ashoka after Third Sangiti (Council) in 253 B.C. Aravaalo, the Naaga king ruling there, tried to terrify the bhikkhu, but was ultimately converted to Buddhism. [Fergusson, “Tree and Serpent Worship”, p. 47]
The first people to get converted were the Naaga tribe of Kashmir out of 14 tribes there. That is the reason why Naaga is a suffix of many places in Kashmir, such as Anant Naaga, Sheshanaaga, Neelanaaga, Naagabal, Kokaranaaga, Sukhanaaga etc. [Gayakwad Vijay, “kashmiratil buddha dharma cha itihas”, (Marathi), Publ. by author, Ulhasnagar, 1990., p. six] It was Ashoka, who established the city of Srinagar, says Rajtarangini. His son Jalouk became king of Kashmir, who built “Krutyakama vihara”. Kashmir was under King Milinda, who had discussions of “Milind- pannaha”, 12 yojanas away from Kashmir valley. Two Kushana kings, Hushka and Jushka also ruled in Kashmir, before Kanishka. [ibid. p.53]
Time of Naagaarjuna and Kanishka
Naagaarjuna was the ruling spirit behind the Fourth Buddhist Council held under Kanishaka, though Vasumitra was the President, at Kundanvana near Srinagar. Mahayana started after this Council. Cannon was compiled in Mahavibhasha. It is said:
“the words uttered by the Sakya Muni during his lifetime, had been heard and noted down by the Nagas, and have kept them to themselves in their own abode, till such time as mankind would become worthy to receive them. Naagaarjuna gave out that he had received these documents from the Nagas and was commissioned to proclaim them to the world. …” [Fergusson, “Tree and Serpent Worship”, p. 65]
The cannon was engraved on copper plates, some of which has 300 verses have been found lately. First Buddha image was made in Kanishka’s reign in Kashmir. Coins of Kanishka have an image of standing Buddha with the words “Boddo” on the obverse. [Vijay Gayakwad, p.seven]
The Naaga and Buddhist influence persisted till Moghul times as Abdul Fazal tells us in “Ayeene Akbari”, that during reign of Akbar (1556-1605), there were temples in Kashmir, 45 of Shiva, 65 of Vishnu, 3 of Brahma, 22 of Durga, but 700 of the Nagas, in active worship. All this is confirmed by the architecture of the valley. [Fergusson, “Tree and Serpent Worship”, p.47]
Christ in Kashmir
There is a vast body of evidence to suggest that Jesus Christ came to India at the age of 14 years or so, lived in India and learned tenets of Buddhism from Bhikkus in India, returned back home at the age of 32, preached in his home country for about three years and was crucified, survived the crucifixion and came back to Kashmir and died in Kashmir at ripe old age. His grave is shown to be present in Kashmir. [See for details: “Jesus Lived in India”]
Guptas and Hunas Times
During Imperial Guptas, Kashmir remained as before. It was not conquered by Samudragupta and did not form a part of the Gupta Empire. The White Hunas attacked India but were repulsed back by Skandgupta. Tormana and Mihirkula are considered to be Hunas. Tormana, a wise statesman, revived the lost fortune of Hunas and established a vast empire in a short time. He was tolerant in religious affairs. His son Mihirkula succeeded in 515 A.D. and ruled from Sakala. He later grew hostile to Buddhism and ordered the destruction of “all bhikkhus through five Indies, overthrow Law of Buddha and leave nothing remaining”. He was defeated by Yashodharman as per Mandsore inscription. Huen Tsang narrates how Gupta King Baladitya defeated and captured Mihirkula but let him go on the intercession of his mother. Mihirkula obtained asylum in Kashmir and later usurped the throne of Kashmir. He persecuted Buddhists all over, and also invaded Sri Lanka to avenge the assumed insult, as his queen was wearing a garment from Ceylon having foot mark of Buddha, on her bosom. He died around 550 or thereafter, and with him was lost Huna power. Hunas lasted for a short time but destroyed the unity of India breaking it into many states and later remnants of Hunas were converted by Brahmins as Rajputs to fight against the Buddhists. The present author believes that untouchability started around this time, as Buddhist became very weak after the tyrany of Hunas. As is well known, Dr. Ambedkar assigns the time of 200 to 600 A.D. for this event.
Times of Harshavardhana
We saw Huen Tsang visiting the region in Harshavardhana’s time around 632 A.D. when Buddhism flourished there. Whether Kashmir directly formed a part of Harsha’s empire is debatable and Dr R. K. Mookerji thinks it was a dependency of Harsha and feels that Kashmir had acknowledged suzerainty of Harshavardhana as Harsha compelled the King of Kashmir to part with a relic of Buddha. [Mahajan, “Ancient India”, p. 532]
Later Kings
After Mihirkula, a powerful dynasty took over Kashmir and Lalitaditya Muktapida of Karkota dynasty was its prominent ruler around 724 A.D. He defeated Yashovarman of Kanouj. Jaypida or Vinayadittya was his grandson who had many conquests. His court was graced by many scholars. A conspiracy of Brahmanas brought about his end. Avantivarman of Utpala dynasty (855-883 A.D.) was a famous king for patronage to literature and public works. Shankarvarman (883-902 A.D.) was man of war and plundered temples. [Mahajan, “Ancient India”, p. 550]
After this dynasty came to end, Yashakara ruled, who built a monastery for students coming from Aryadesha to Kashmir. His designing minister Parvagupta persuaded him to abdicate in favour of Sangramdeva. Yashkara went to the monastery where he was poisoned and Parvagupta captured the throne by killing Sangramdeva. Parvagupta’s son Kshemagupta married Didda, a daughter of King of Lohara. She acted as a Regent for her child king Abhimanyu after the death of her husband and ruled with a strong hand. When Abhimanyu died leaving three sons, all three were eliminated one by one, by Didda, who ascended the throne in 980 A.D. Appointment of Tunga, a former herdsman, as her Prime Minister displeased the Brahmins, who brought in a son of her brother from Lohara to help them against Tunga. But queen Didda bribed the Brahmins heavily and won them back. She died in 1003 A.D. in old age and throne went to Sangramraja, a son of her brother, from Lohara, thus starting a First Lohara Dynasty. [D. C. Ganguli, “Age of Imperial Kanauj”, p. 120]
History of Kashmir before Muslim Invasion
Kashmir was one of the most vigorous centres of Buddhism and bhikkhus from there used to go to China and Tibet and other parts of central Asia. After the persecution of Buddhists in Tibet by Glan-dar-ma, it fell upon Kashmiri sramanas to reinstruct the masses thereafter a century. Many sramanas went to China in tenth and eleventh centuries and translated Buddhist scriptures into Chinese and also presented to the Emperor a branch of Bodhi tree from Gaya. Two big Buddha images installed in capital Parihaspura by previous kings were the objects of adoration for Buddhists even in the eleventh century. These two images escaped destruction at the hands of king Harsha (1089-1101 A.D.), who was keen on destroying temple images, two centuries before Muslim rule was established, and had appointed special officers for the purpose designated as devotpaatana-nayaka or “perfect for destruction of gods”, and who was labelled by Kallahana as “that Turushka”. [Struggle for Empire, p. 665]
But king Jayasimha (1128-1155 A.D.) broke down the images and burned the vihara of Arigon near Srinagar. Famous Jayendra vihara and Raja-vihara played an important role in the eleventh century, but the more important ones were Ratnagupta and Ratnarashmi vihars in 11th and 12th centuries, where a large number of Mahayana scriptures were translated into Tibetan. But various Aacharyas of Tantrik Buddhism flourished in the valley of Kashmir. Also, flourished Kshemendra who depicted Buddha as avatar of Vishnu and hence his book was discarded as profane by Tibetian Lamas. Kashmir Buddhism also had a tremendous effect on both the Kashmir schools of Shaivism. [N. N. Das Gupta, “The Struggle for Empire”, p.419 ff.]
Islamic influence
Arab invasion in 712 A.D. of Sind, over king Dahir, hardly left any marks in India, but Ghaznavid invasion, three centuries later has left permanent scars. Various invasions took place and Sultanate was established in Delhi in 1206 A.D. In spite of the opposition of orthodox Muslim religious heads and also of royal princes, the Sufi cult flourished. The Sufi cult, which should be given the credit of making many devotees from Hindus also, was founded by the saints. The founder of the cult is supposed to be Data Ganj Bakhsha of Lahore, who died in 1072 A.D. Khwaja Muin-ud-din Chishti of Ajmer, who came from Gazni in 1161 A.D., acknowledged his greatness. The followers of this cult were called Chishtis, who spread all over and included both Muslims and Hindus. Another school of Surhavardis was established, and one of them became famous for Hindus as Raja Bharaatri in Sind. Other groups also emerged. All these mystic saints spread all over India from Gujrat to Bengal and from Kashmir to Trichonapalli, in a short period and their disciples were both from Muslims and Hindus, especially of lower castes. [Struggle for Empire, p.488 ff.] The masses, majority of whom were all Buddhists, by that time came to be called as “Hindus” by Muslims, and their leaders instead of going to victor Muslims went to Brahmins. They found solace in egalitarian teachings of these Sufis, which led to the foundation of bhakti cult in India. The credit of converting Kashmir to Islam goes to one such saint fakir Bulbulshah.
Troubled times in Kashmir
Two Lohara Dynasties ruled Kashmir in the eleventh century onwards. None of them were strong monarchs, there were internal fights and a kind of anarchy developed. Buddhism declined during the first Lohar Dynasty. Poet Kshemendra describes that Buddhist nuns were adoring themselves.
Second Lohara dynasty (1101-1339 A.D.) tried to revive Buddhism to some extent. Some Viharas were built. Kalhana wrote “Rajtarangini” during this period. Bulher mentions of a Buddhist Bhikku known as Jinendra Buddha at Barahmulla in the 12th century. [Vijay Gayakwad, p.59]
The last king of the second Lohara dynasty was Vantideva (1165-1172) After him people elected one Vuppadeva as King. One of his descendants was poisoned by his officer, and there were many rivals to the throne, who ruled from different parts of Srinagar. One Ramdeva came to the throne in 1252 A.D., who adopted a brahmana Laxmandeva as his son. Laxmandeva was killed by a Muslim ruler Kajjala in battle in 1286 A.D., after which complete anarchy broke out. One Simhadeva established authority but lost his life in a love intrigue, and his brother Suhadeva, who “showed abject cowardice all along”, came to power in 1301 A.D. Dulucha, a commander of King of Kandahar overran Kashmir and left with a lot of Kashmiris as slaves. Rinchana, a Tibetian plundered the capital at the same time and assumed royal power, but died in 1323 A.D. His son Haidara was deposed by his officer Sahamera, who placed Udayandeva, a stooge, on the throne and ultimately seized the throne in 1338 after the death of Udayandeva, and ruled as Shams- ud-din. His successors ruled for a long time. [Struggle for Empire, p.102]
Sam-ud-din (1338-1355) reduced land revenue to one-sixth and became popular, making many Muslims. Shahabuddin (1355-1374), who came on throne showed respect to Buddhism by declining to accept the advice of his Brahim minister Udayshree to melt the golden images of Buddha to strike coins. The Brahmin minister, it seems, even under such trying conditions had not forgotten his contempt of Buddhism. But later, Suhabhatta, another Brahmin minister of later king Sikandar (1390-1414), got all Buddha images melted. However, Suhabhatta himself got converted to Islam by Syed Md. Hamdani, assumed the name of Saifuddin, and surpassed the Maulavis in harassing Buddhists. Later kings harrassed Hindus and Buddhists till Kashmir passed over to Akbar. [Vijay Gayakwad, p.61]
After Shamsudin, Islam became the state religion. After this, it did not take very long for the general masses of Kashmir, who were already smarting under Brahmanic tyranny of caste, to get converted into Islam. Bulbulshaha is said to have converted ten thousand people to Islam. [Vijay Gayakwad, p.125]
Another important religious saint was Syedali Hamadani, who was called “Ameer Kabir” i.e. Great Ameer, who is said to have converted 37,000 people. Born in 1314 in Iran, he was well learned, well-travelled and visited Kashmir on three occasions. He is said to have come last time in 1383 A.D. as a refugee along with seven hundred other Seyds who were warmly welcomed by the then ruler Kutubuddin. Syedali insisted on Islamic culture and manners. Majority of people had embraced Islam by the beginning of 15th century, avers Setu Madhavrao Pagdi. All these conversions were mostly voluntary. [Vijay Gayakwad, p. 126]

Views of Kancha Ilaiah of Osmania University about the spread of Islam are worth consideration. He observes:
“… Islam seems to have emerged more as a reaction to the Vedic inequality as an anti-caste social synthesiser. Brahmins of India not only appear to have been authors of “natural inequality” but were also the first propagandists of that theory on the globe. … The birth of Islam, it appears to me, has taken place to establish a total civil societal homogenisation within the sphere of religion. It put the religious equality of the people who embraced it on much more solid foundations. This could have been one of the reasons why more and more SCAs (Shudras, Chandalas and Adivasis) embraced Islam in India in the second millennium. If Muslim rulers were to force the Indians to embrace Islam they would have easily changed this country into an Islamic one. Or had they forced all the BKVs (Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas) to convert to Islam, their job would have been accomplished. But even in their eight hundred years of hegemonic rule, they did not do that. What attracted SCAs to Islam is its religious democratic culture – the culture of aa gale milna.” [“Meantime”, Jan. 11, 2000, p.38]
There are many scholars who try to depict Muslim rulers merely as tyrants converting Hindus to Islam by force. The point to understand is you can convert people forcibly, but you can not retain them forcibly. So Kancha Ilaiah’s analysis of Islamic invasions appears to be more rational.
Muslims could have been, to some extent, themselves influenced by the Hindus, as seen by non-circumcision of some dignitaries. Dr Ambedkar who considered Hindu Muslim relationship as a kind of caste discrimination, while commenting on inter-caste marriage of granddaughter of Bhandarkar with Muslim youth, observed that it is not always the bride side that is subdued. He quotes an example of reformists who claim that they can not do certain reform as their wives do not approve of it. He also quotes the example of Moghul kings marrying Hindu women and observes that it could be said that the Moghul Emperors themselves observed Hindu manners, as of right from liberal Akbar to orthodox Aurangjeb, no Moghul Emperor had undergone the circumcision. [Quoted from Bahishkrit Bharat by Raosahib Kasbe, “Hindu Muslim Prashna…” p.36]
How Kashmir became a Muslim country
But who was this Shahmera and how he became an officer in the court of King Suhadeva? :He was the son of one Ratanju, whose details are given in an article by Santram. From the story, though he is said to have no religion or nationality, it seems he was a Buddhist as he was neither a Hindu nor a Muslim, and must have been considered of low caste as he was not acceptable to the pundits of Kashmir as a ruler. The story runs as follows
“In the thirteenth century, a boy of tender age by name Ratanju came to Kashmir. Somehow, he got a place in the court of king Sahadeva and reached a high rank. He had neither any religion nor any nationality of his own. Moulana Mohammed Kazam Muradabadi writes in his history book, that Ratanju had a great love for the Hindu religion. He wanted to embrace it. But the Hindus were not ready to accept him in their society. He used to listen to the story of Gita every day from the pundits.
“One day the pundit, while explaining him the meaning of verse 47 of chapter 18, told him that it is fearful to accept another man’s better religion and one must not leave ones own religion though it had many disabilities. On this Ratanju asked, ‘Can I not join your religion?’ The pundit said ‘Absolutely not’. Getting disappointed by this reply, Ratanju resolved to accept the religion of the person, whom so ever he will see first one in the morning. One Muslim fakir, by name Bulbulshah, got to know the decision of Ratanju. Next morning he went to the palace of Ratanju. On seeing him Ratanju came down and asked him, ‘Would you accept me in your religion?’
” ‘The door of Islam is open to all human beings. A prominent political officer wishes to become my brother in religion (dharma bandhu). What could be the more pleasing thing for me other than this’, replied Bulbulshah. Ratanju became Muslim. His son Shahamir usurped the throne and brought home forcibly the queen Kona, wife of king Sahadeva’s son. But the queen committed suicide by stabbing herself. It is said, those pundits, who refused to become Muslims, were put in gunny bags and drowned in river Jehlam by Ratanju and Shahamir. The place in Shrinagar where they were drowned, is famous even now by the name of ‘watta mazaar’.” [Santram, Sarita Mukta Reprint series, (Hindi) vol. 8, p.162.]
Thus we see that because the leaders of perpetrators of inequality did not consider even the people of high ability who have gained prominence on account of their bravery and heroism, fit to become kings unless they are born in a higher caste.
A similar thing happened in Maharashtra in the 17th century, when king Shivaji was refused by the brahmins of Maharashtra to be coronated as a king because of low caste. One shudders to think, what would have been the fate of India, had Shivaji met somebody like Bulbulshah that time.
Similar is the story of Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur in late 19th century when he was insulted by the priest on account of caste, and his insult was accentuated by the so-called ‘national’ lobby of the great “Lokamanya” from Poona supporting the cause of the priest against the Maharaja. Fortunately for the Hindus, Shahu did not turn to Islam or Christianity, he turned to Arya Samaj, which he thought, rather naively, was a remedy of ills of Brahmanism. He also strongly supported “Satya Shodhak” Movement started by Mahatma Jotirao Phule and also brought forward Dr Ambedkar and presented him to the Dalits as their leader. The movement started by Shahu later gave rise to a powerful “Non- brahmin Party” which grew in prominence till the early 30s when Gandhiji got it merged in Congress.
The above-mentioned article of Sarita, mentions two more stories of religious leaders of Hindus refusing to accept meritorious lower caste people to Hinduism and give them equal status. Thus we see the refusal of a low caste prominent political personality like Ratanju by the Brahmins of Kashmir, led to the propagation of Islam in Kashmir with all further complications, for which all further generations of Indians may thank the Pundits of Kashmir of those times.


Source – ambedkar.org









SER 06 OF X SERIALS ;- The Afghanistan-India Drug Trail

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    The Afghanistan-India Drug Trail –                                    Analysis 

                               By 

Dr. Bibhu Prasad Routray, Dr. Shanthie                 Mariet D Souza and Mantraya







Cultivating poppies in Afghanistan for opium. Photo Credit: Tasnim News Agency.




Introduction


India’s geographical proximity with the ‘Golden Crescent’- the area comprising Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Iran, which is infamous for illicit production as well as transnational smuggling of drugs, is often cited as the reason for the rise in the drug trade that uses India as both a destination of narcotics as well as a transit point. According to the 2018 annual report of the International Narcotics Control board (INCB), India is rising as one of the major hubs for illicit drug trade.[1] The Trump administration has put India along with its other South Asian neighbours among the list of 21 countries that are major drug producing or transit nations.[2] However, over the years, even as the Afghan drug production has shown a marginal decrease, the drug cartels, organized criminals, smugglers, and peddlers across several countries have innovated in several ways to increase the consumer base in India. 

The ‘nexus’ with the law enforcement agencies and politicians has facilitated the trade, whereas lax counter-narcotics strategies have thwarted state efforts to curb it.

The ‘Narco Economy’ of Afghanistan


In November 2018, the UN Office on Drugs and Crime reported a 20 percent decrease in the total area under opium poppy cultivation in Afghanistan compared to 2017. The potential production of opium decreased by 29 percent in 2018 compared to 2017, while farm-gate prices hit an all-time low.’[3]









)
(Source: UNODC, November 2018
The decreases, in the northern and western regions of the country, were mostly attributed to the severe drought that affected Afghanistan. The intensity of the problem, however, continues to be grave, due to the sheer expanse of the land in which such cultivation is still carried out. The area under opium poppy cultivation in 2018 was 263,000 hectares compared to 328,000 hectares in 2017. The drug economy in 2018 is estimated to be US$60 million[4], which feeds generously the ongoing Taliban-led insurgency and a host of other players, including organized criminals, smugglers and terrorist groups.

The Land Route: Pakistan

On 28 July 2019, Indian Customs department seized 532 kilograms of heroin at the Attari Integrated Check Post on the Indo-Pakistan border. The heroin was concealed in 15 gunny bags of a rock salt consignment that was coming from Pakistan. The authorities described the seizure as “the biggest achievement in the annals of the Indian Customs history”[5].



           (Afghanistan-Pakistan-India Drug Route, Source: UNODC, 2015)









Pakistan acts as an important trans-shipment point in the illicit drug trade from Afghanistan into India. Whereas several entry points exist on the Pakistan and Afghanistan border depending largely upon the source of narcotics within Afghanistan, most of the illicit heroin and opium enter India through the 550-kilometre Pakistan-Punjab border. Opium and poppy husk enter Punjab through Rajasthan. Rivers and streams along the Indo-Pakistan border are popular routes for smuggling drugs into the villages located along the border. Other modes of smuggling include sliding in drugs in plastic pipes through the barbed wire at the international border. Cross-border smuggling of drugs involves three kinds of players: (i) Drug dealers in the border region who provide the drugs, (ii) Agents like poor farmers, labourers, addicts etc. who transport the drug in small quantities and (iii) Mafia bosses in various parts of the country who distribute and sell them further within the country and outside.

The drug packets from the Pakistani side are picked up by the couriers on the Indian side who work in close coordination with their Pakistani counterparts.[6] Once the package is received on the Indian side, the courier waits for further instructions from the Indian handler before moving the contraband. The handler is in charge of ensuring that the drugs, now packed in small packets of one gram each does not run into a check-post. In Punjab, the drug peddlers have developed ‘Chitta’, a cocktail of heroin and other chemicals, which has become enormously popular with the addicts, for its low cost and effect. A pack of ‘Chitta’ weighing less than a gram costs Rupees 500. The smugglers use poor farmers, migrant labourers, drug addicts, and unemployed youth to transport drugs from border areas to cities and villages. On occasions, even policemen and local politicians were found to be part of this distribution network. More than a hundred Punjab police personnel have been arrested for smuggling or helping to smuggle drugs from border regions between 2014 and 2018.[7] Those arrested included two Deputy Superintendents of Police indicating the extent of the nexus between the smugglers and the law enforcement agencies

Following the ‘Drug trail’

From Punjab, drugs flow seamlessly into other states, taking advantage of the almost non-existent inspection mechanism on the inter-state borders. According to a media report, youths in Kashmir are getting hooked on to drugs from Afghanistan that flow into the state from Pakistan.On 26 November 2018, heroin worth Rupees 40 crore was recovered from Rajouri. The consignment bore Afghan labels which indicated that the drugs were smuggled into Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) from Pakistan before it crossed borders and entered J&K.

Whereas the earlier smuggling route was through Punjab, since early 2018, the source of 80 percent of drugs seized in the state are from Pakistan.[8] According to officials, the Ramban-Banihal National Highway, one of the two road links between Kashmir and mainland India, has turned into a major route for the drug mafia that has connections to Pakistan-based smugglers. Here too, incidents of policemen facilitating the drug trade have started to emerge. In July 2019, four policemen were arrested from Jammu and Kupwara and heroin packets were seized from their possession.
The problem has assumed serious proportions in the state of Himachal Pradesh where 1622 cases of drug smuggling were registered in the first 6 months of 2019 and 789 people were arrested.[9] In Himachal Pradesh, one of the few Indian states where poppy is grown locally and legally, drug peddlers have specifically targeted school and college students with ‘Chitta’ packets. According to an estimate by a drug rehab and counselling centre in the state capital Shimla, 55-60 percent of youths of that city are addicted to drugs.[10]
Since 2015, Rann of Kutch in Gujarat too has emerged as a route for drug smuggling from Pakistan. On 21 May 2019, six Pakistani nationals were arrested and around 200 packets of heroin were seized in an operation by the Directorate of Revenue Intelligence off Jakhau port in Kutch. Investigation revealed that the accused were carrying 336 packets of heroin and had dumped around 100 in the sea. On 28 July, a team of Gujarat Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) arrested two persons for allegedly carrying one kilogram of brown sugar, near Mandvi Koday of Kutch.[11] Police said the duo received the contraband from a fisherman in Kutch who found it on the shore. The fisherman handed over the contraband to his nephew who then tried to sell it in the black market. Although few details are available regarding the modus operandi of smugglers in the area, a 2015 report had referred to the active role of Thai-Pakistan drug syndicates[12] in narcotics smuggling off Gujarat coast. In April that year, Indian Coast Guard and Indian Navy personnel had seized 230 kilograms of heroin from a boat and arrested eight Pakistani nationals. Previously on 31 December 2014, smugglers believed to belong to the same syndicate had set their own boat carrying drug afire resulting in the death of four crew Pakistani members, 365 kilometres off Porbandar.[13] The boat was initially suspected to be carrying terrorists on board.

The Maritime Route: Iran & Africa

Due to government regulation along the Indo-Pakistan border, especially the effort of the Border Security Force (BSF) and the local police that claimed to have choked the heroin supply lines into Punjab, drug dealers have been using alternate routes that pass-through Iran and Africa before finding their way to Punjab and Delhi. In July 2017, India’s National Technical Research Organisation (NTRO) spotted a suspect vessel 380 kilometres off the coast of Gujarat and alerted the Coast Guard which pressed its ships and aircraft to intercept the Panama registered merchant ship, the Prince. When the vessel was brought to the port of Porbandar, sleuths recovered 1500 kilograms of heroin on board. Eight Indian crew members were arrested. The last port of call for Prince was Chabahar in Iran from where it had picked up the contraband of Afghan heroin meant for an Indian cartel. This, till date, remains the biggest single haul of narcotics in India.

According to new modus operandi, drug cartels are increasingly using the maritime route to bring heroin from Afghanistan to the Makran coast, where the coastlines of Pakistan and Iran meet. From there, the consignments are taken across the Indian Ocean to western markets via east Africa, where the coastline is inadequately policed. As the drugs head towards India from Africa, the African smugglers who have their bases in cities like Delhi become involved. Bulk consignments arrive in Delhi either by air or even postal services before being distributed further to other cities like Mumbai. While small quantities are usually transported by postal services, large quantities are transported by using a variety of illegal means like concealing drugs inside vehicles, furniture, bags or specially designed luggage to be aired to other countries. Smugglers also swallow drug capsules or specially designed packets or insert them into their body cavities surgically or otherwise to be transported via air. Drugs are also routed through Sri Lanka. In December 2018, Sri Lankan authorities seized 800 kilograms of cocaine worth Rupees 4,000 crore from an India-bound ship docked at the Colombo port. The ship had sailed from Ecuador.
Even as the consumer market in India is on a rise, a portion of drugs transiting India appear to be mainly bound for European countries, US, Canada, and West Africa. Fishing vessels are being used as mode of transport of drugs largely from India to Sri Lanka and its other neighbours.

Growing ‘Nexus’

The huge narco-economy with enormous potential to bring about financial windfall explains the involvement of a range of agents including unemployed youths, law enforcement personnel and politicians in the trade, particularly given the high corruption levels that permeates the state structures. As previously mentioned, the Afghan narco-economy in 2018 is estimated to be US$60 million. It increases by leaps and bounds as the contraband leaves the soil of Afghanistan and travels the distance. There is no estimate of drugs that enter the Indian market. However, according to a report in 2018, one gram of heroin costs more than Rupees 2500 in international border areas in India. As the drug reaches districts like Gurdaspur, Amritsar, Tarn Taran and Fazilka, the price is doubled. A gram of heroin costs Rupees 8000 in cities such as Ludhiana and Chandigarh. Reduced supply further leads to skyrocketing of prices. For instance, the cost of heroin in Mumbai went up from Rupees 2.9 million in 2016 to Rupees 9.8 million in 2017.[14] This translates to Rupees 9800 per gram. By 2019, however, in national capital Delhi, the asking price for a kilogram of heroin (from either Afghanistan or Myanmar) had reached Rupees 40 million, i.e. a staggering Rupees 40,000 per gram.[15] Not surprisingly, improvised drugs like ‘Chitta’ are becoming more popular and play a key part of the bourgeoning narco-economy.

Fighting the Menace: Coordination deficit

According to India’s Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB), 27231, 31535 and 46959 cases were registered by various drug law enforcement agencies in the country during 2015, 2016, and 2017 respectively. Frequent arrests of Afghan and African nationals with drugs in various Indian cities often creates the impression of their large-scale involvement in the trade.   However, according to the Indian Home Ministry, “99 percent of the 127180 persons arrested”[16] in these three years, are Indian nationals. It is safe to conclude that Indian mafia, smugglers, and agents dominate the trade within the country with only a minor participation of foreign nationals.
The NCB claims that steps taken by it has led to a reduction in the quantity smuggled Afghan drugs in India. However, the ground situation portrays a different picture. The fact that both central and state level efforts have remained uncoordinated and dissipated has aided the smugglers.
The state government in Punjab has struggled to deal with the drug problem in spite of its promise to wipe it out in few months. It is hard pressed for resources and the nexus of smugglers with the police and politicians are creating problems. However, the realization that the problem needs to be dealt with by inter-state cooperation has led Punjab and Himachal Pradesh to form a joint force to tackle the interstate network of drugs smugglers. Such mechanism, however, does not include the government of J&K, where efforts to tackle the menace remain minimal. According to a media report, the state-level de-addiction panel constituted by the Governor in March 2019 had not met even for a single occasion till July.[17] Both Haryana and Himachal Pradesh are moving towards strengthening legal mechanisms to arrest the chaos. Both are reportedly considering a legislation on the lines of the Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA) to tackle the drug menace in their states.[18]
Realization that efforts of individual states will always be limited and affected by politics has led to calls for the establishment of a national agency to deal with the problem. In July 2019, for instance, state governments of Haryana, Punjab, Uttarakhand, Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh asked New Delhi to set up a specialised agency on the lines of National Investigation Agency (NIA) to against the drug mafia who run high profile rackets. The meeting which was also attended by official representatives from Delhi, J&K, and the union territory of Chandigarh also agreed to initiate a series of measures including joint operations at the inter-state borders, information sharing and implementation of the best practices of the participating States. The states also appeared to move towards strengthening the information sharing mechanism on drugs and drug dealers-smugglers, for a more effective crackdown against them. The implementation of all these measures would be crucial in controlling the menace.

Need for a Regional Counter-Narcotics Strategy

The decrease in opium cultivation in Afghanistan, mainly due to drought unfolds a false sense of promise. Both the area under cultivation and amount of production remains large enough to meet the demands of the increasing clientele. Worse still, shortage of supply merely leads to a rise in prices and not necessarily a dip in demand. Increase in the ability of the respective governments to act against the smugglers notwithstanding, the problem requires a bilateral /and regional collaboration to supplement the efforts of domestic agencies. This aspect is either absent or nascent. In April 2018, for instance, Indian and Afghan officials met in New Delhi for a day long bilateral meet to discuss issues related to drug trafficking and narcotics abuse. According to an issued press note, “the meeting discussed exchange of ideas, sharing of best practices and furthering areas of cooperation in the drug crime domain”[19]. No further meeting has taken place since then. The Indo-Pakistan counter-narcotics cooperation mechanism is largely non-functional due to the difficulty in the bilateral relationship. There is a need to reactivate such cooperation between countries on the smuggling routes. This is particularly important given the impact that this epidemic has on the youth of all three counties which are witnessing rising numbers of drug addiction. The drug trade continues to fuel the conflict in Afghanistan and facilitates linkages between organized crime and terrorist groups. Sharing of real time information as well as sharing of best practices are the need of the hour. In addition to interdiction and sharing information, a trilateral mechanism between Afghanistan, Pakistan and India can help curb the growing menace.
End Notes:
[1] Kshitij Bhargava, “The Chitta economy: How the business of drugs works in Punjab”, Economic Times, 1 September 2018, https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/et-explains/the-chitta-economy-how-the-business-of-drugs-works-in-punjab/articleshow/65634397.cms. Accessed on 29 July 2019.
[2] “Trump identifies India among 21 major illicit drug producing, transit countries”, Business Today, 12 September 2018, https://www.businesstoday.in/current/world/trump-identifies-india-among-21-major-illicit-drug-producing-transit-countries/story/282270.html. Accessed on 31 July 2019.
[3] UNODC, Sharp drops in opium poppy cultivation, price of dry opium in Afghanistan, latest UNOD survey reveals, November 2018, https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/frontpage/2018/November/sharp-drops-in-opium-poppy-cultivation–price-of-dry-opium-in-afghanistan–latest-unodc-survey-reveals.html. Accessed on 28 July 2019.
[4] The potential opium production was at around 6,400 tons in 2018 and the farm-gate prices of dry opium, is an average of US$ 94 per kilogram. Ibid.
[5] “In all-time high, over 500 kg heroin seized at Attari”, India Today, 30 June 2019, https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/in-all-time-high-over-500-kg-heroin-seized-at-attari-1559308-2019-06-30. Accessed on 31 July 2019.
[6] Kshitij Bhargava, “The Chitta economy: How the business of drugs works in Punjab”, op.cit.
[7] “Punjab police battles ‘drug-taint’”, Tribune, 6 July 2018, https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/punjab/punjab-police-battles-drug-taint/615877.html. Accessed on 29 July 2019.
[8] Pooja Shali, “How drugs from Pakistan are ruining Jammu gennext”, India Today, 6 June 2019, https://www.indiatoday.in/mail-today/story/drugs-pakistan-jammu-1543545-2019-06-06. Accessed on 30 July 2019.
[9] Ashwani Sharma, “5 northern states suggest NIA-type agency to deal with drugs”, Millenium Post, 25 July 2019, http://www.millenniumpost.in/nation/5-northern-states-suggest-nia-type-agency-to-deal-with-drugs-365489. Accessed on 30 July 2019.
[10] Ashwani Sharma, “Udta Himachal: Is Shimla set to be the new drug capital of the country?”, Citizen Matters, 26 June 2019, http://citizenmatters.in/drug-abuse-rehabilitation-and-police-action-in-punjab-shimla-himachal-13126. Accessed on 29 July 2019.
[11] “Police probing if recently-seized drugs came from Pak smugglers”, Indian Express, 31 July 2019, https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/ahmedabad/police-probing-if-recently-seized-drugs-came-from-pak-smugglers-5864932/. Accessed on 31 July 2019.
[12] Josy Joseph, “Thai-Pakistan drug syndicate active off Gujarat coast”, Times of India, 29 May 2015, https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Thai-Pakistan-drug-syndicate-active-off-Gujarat-coast/articleshow/47464748.cms. Accessed on 31 July 2019.
[13] “4 feared killed as explosives-laden Pakistan vessel sinks off Gujarat”, Hindu, 2 January 2016, https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/explosivesladen-pakistan-vessel-sinks-off-gujarat/article6748641.ece. Accessed on 31 July 2019.
[14] Virendra Singh Ghunawat, “Heroin, cocaine, marijuana, synthetic drugs put India’s narcotics market on a high”, India Today, 21 December 2017, https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/synthetic-drugs-push-indias-narcotics-market-to-a-high-1113532-2017-12-21. Accessed on 29 July 2019.
[15] Ajay Kumar and Chayyanika Nigam, “Exposed! Massive drug peddling rackets in Delhi-NCR with global links”, India Today, 8 April 2019, https://www.indiatoday.in/mail-today/story/exposed-massive-drug-peddling-rackets-in-delhi-ncr-with-global-links-1496439-2019-04-08. Accessed on 29 July 2019.
[16] Statement of Hansraj Gangaram Ahir, Minister of State for Home Affairs in the Rajya Sabha(Upper House of the Indian Parliament) on 28 March 2018.
[17] Dinesh Manhotra, “Drug mafia spreads tentacles, authorities in deep slumber”, Tribune, 26 July 2019, https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/jammu-kashmir/drug-mafia-spreads-tentacles-authorities-in-deep-slumber/808502.html. Accessed on 30 July 2019.
[18] “Drug menace: Haryana, H.P. mull law on lines of MCOCA”, Hindu, 26 July 2019, https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/other-states/drug-menace-haryana-hp-mull-law-on-lines-of-mcoca/article28714789.ece. Accessed on 30 July 2019.
[19] “India, Afghanistan to hold bi-lateral meet on drugs this week”, Money Control,18 April 2018, https://www.moneycontrol.com/news/business/economy/india-afghanistan-to-hold-bi-lateral-meet-on-drugs-this-week-2551801.html. Accessed on 28 July 2018.



(Bibhu Prasad Routray is Director of Mantraya. Shanthie Mariet D’Souza is the President and Founder of Mantraya. Project Intern Vrinda Aravind contributed to this Special Report. This Special Report is published as part of Mantraya’s ongoing “Organised Crime and Illicit Trafficking”. Mantraya Special Reports are peer reviewed publications.)