Showing posts with label INDIA Governance. Show all posts
Showing posts with label INDIA Governance. Show all posts

Friday, March 4, 2016

HARYANARCHY : PART- 4 /9:- WHY HARYANA CONTINUED TO BURN


REFERENCES :-

(K)Part- 11/X:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2020/12/jat-reservation-agitation.html
(J) Part-10/ X:-      https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/sourcehttpwww.html

(H) Part-8/9 :-     https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-8-let-there-be-no-more.html

  (GPART- 7/9:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-79-let-truth-behind.html

 (F)  Part- 6/9:-    https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-6-9-face-to-face-with.html

(E)  Part -5/9:-    https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-5-days-later-govt.html
(D)  Part -4/9:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-4-why-haryana.html
(C)  Part -3/9:-     https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/harynarchy-part-3-backward-march-who.html                                              
 (B)  Part -2/9:-   https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-2-blunting-instrument.html

( A)  Part -1/9:-   https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/02/internal-security-indian-army-goof-up.html



Run-up to the Caste Conflagration


  • February 2Sarva Khap Jat Panchayat threatens to intensify protest by blocking roads at about 40 places in the state on February 15 at a Jind rally.
  • February 9 CM Khattar holds talks with a section of the community; sets up a panel under the chief secretary to review the quota. Jat groups put off the Feb 15 protest.
  • February 12Jats unite under All-India Jat Arakshan Sangharsh Samiti, resume stir from Mayyar (Hisar) after a rally by blocking railway tracks on Delhi-Hisar section.
  • February 14Khap and other leaders hold Swabhiman Rally at Sampla (Rohtak). Young members block the Delhi-Fazilka (NH-10) passing through Sampla.
  • February 15Even when the CM and Agriculture Minister OP Dhankar are in Rohtak, protesters block roads linking the town to Delhi, Sonepat and Jhajjar.
  • February 16The agitation intensifies. College students roughed up. Rohtak completely cut off. Agitation spreads to Sonepat, Jhajjar, Bhiwani and other towns.
  • February 18Protesters and non-Jat activists clash. Scores of properties damaged in Rohtak. Police try to stop clashes. Uneasy calm prevails in city.
  • February 19Protesters clash with police/BSF personnel, Jat and non-Jat members fight on the streets, setting buildings and vehicles ablaze.
  • February 20After the police fail to control thesituation, the Army airdrops its men in Rohtak. Troops flag-march in eight other districts.




  HARYANARCHY :  WHY HARYANA                    CONTINUED TO BURN

 Feb 28, 2016




Rohtak, Feb 21: Charred remains of shops set on fire by Jat agitators demanding reservation. PTI

Caught in the maelstrom of complete lawlessness, a localized incident on Feb 19 in Bhiwani, Haryana, gives you an idea of the mindlessness: A college girl walking to her home in the evening was prevented by stick-wielding youths. She called up her friends and there was a minor clash. The girl escaped in the melee. Later, everyone said the girl was a Rajput. A few hours later men from 'OBC Brigade' arrived and tried to disperse the warring sides and asked the Jat agitators to lift the road blockade. What happened next was unprecedented: it was Jat vs Rajput, OBCs and others with Punjabis getting caught in the crossfire. District policemen, sources said, were deployed elsewhere, so none came. Soon, it was nothing short of a full-scale caste war.





Army troops on a flag march in Rohtak on Feb 20. AFP

The situation in Rohtak, the parliamentary constituency of Congress MP Deepender Singh Hooda, was explosive: Several residents said they themselves worked the phones to the Prime Minister's Office, but the officials "concerned" expressed their inability to do anything. As violent mobs went on the rampage, no help was forthcoming. Recalls VK Juneja, owner of Silver Bells School on the Gohana Road: "On February 19, my school watchman called up saying a mob was about to set the school building afire. I immediately called up the local police and fire-station officials, but they plainly expressed their helplessness. The school building was ransacked and burnt."

Then on Feb 22, almost a day after the Army was deployed in parts of Hisar, despite curfew, an armed mob arrived in tractor trailers and motorcycles and looted houses located in the fields of Dhani Pal village. At least 20 houses were ransacked and burnt down. Policemen and an Army column failed to control the mob. Harphool, whose house was torched, said the rioters took away jewelry and cash. "The security forces were thinly spread out in the fields. We kept shouting for help, but no one came." A day later, the body of a youth, Mintu, was found when security forces conducted a flag march.

Off the record, top government sources said something akin to 'politics of silence' prevailed in the government, paralyzing law-enforcement. "For the Punjabi community in Sonepat, Rohtak, Gohana and Karnal, the violence resembled the Partition horror. "It will take years before inter-caste trust is restored," said a government officer in Panipat.

What could have been a controllable rural upsurge soon mushroomed into a caste conflagration: 30 people were killed (official count), hundreds injured, women assaulted, and property worth thousands of crores perished across the state. Worse, the inter-caste bond was allowed to be damaged.

In the run-up to the reservation agitation, even when khaps and other Jat leaders were bitterly complaining against government "betrayal" and warning of an aggressive agitation, the state machinery, it'd seem, was at best sleeping, or worst, pretending to be talking.

Here's a surgical analysis of worst affected districts and the response, or the lack of it, from the authorities, especially the police.




Rohtak, Feb 25: School buses and buildings were set on fire. Photo: Manoj Dhaka




Administration gives in
Rohtak, Feb 20: A curfew was imposed on February 19 and the Army was called out. Jat protesters had dug up roads blocking access to the city. Army troops were airdropped to the Rohtak Police Lines. The troops carried 'Army' banners as they marched along with BSF and state police personnel. Yet the violence didn't stop. This was the seventh day since NH 10 passing through Sampla was blocked.. When residents met Deputy Commissioner DK Behera a day before, his officials had told them quietly: "Don't depend on sarkari help, you are on your own." Says Sanjay Khurana, a community leader based at Patel Nagar: "After the district authorities expressed their helplessness, we formed groups of armed youths to keep a watch round the clock." He says hordes of violent youths tried to enter their locality several times, but were met with equally belligerent response. Several shots were fired in the air to scare away the mob and keep us safe," he said.

The mayhem was in addition to the fear among thousands of people stranded on roads in and around Rohtak. Armed youth continued to vandalize public property as well as showrooms, shops, hotels and restaurants.

"The people's trust in the state machinery could have been saved to some extent had the police personnel and administrative officials stepped in. It was free-for-all," said Lovely Mittal, a local resident. So bad was the situation that the police posts were abandoned and police stations locked by the very personnel. The result was all too clear: total anarchy in Rohtak and nearby Kalanaur and Meham.

"Shockingly, for four-five days neither any MLA, nor did any community leader bother to approach the agitators for calm," said a resident, Dinesh Kumar.

Several prominent businessmen and industrialists are now weighing moving their operations/units to some other state.

The educated and well-meaning members of the Jat community regret the large-scale devastation but intelligentsia sees it from a different perspective. "Economic frustration resulting from agrarian crisis has been vented out as caste frenzy. Law-enforcement agencies have failed the people," says Dr Ravi Mohan, a leading medical practitioner. Dr Rajender Sharma, a Professor of Political Science at Maharishi Dayanand University thinks that in a democratic set-up, the shift of power should be accepted by the established political elites, including the members of the dominant communities.

For Phool Kanwar, a former Air Force official, the cracks in communal harmony is the most unfortunate part. And for Vijay Balhara, Principal of Model School in Sector 4, destruction happened in minutes, but construction would take a long time. "The damaged buildings will get reconstructed, but the social fabric that has been destroyed will take a very long time to repair," says Sandhya, a schoolteacher.

Left to fend for themselves

Jhajjar: Locals blame the police inaction, saying policemen bothered more about the safety of their officers while common man was left to fend for himself. "No policeman was present in any of the police posts," said a resident. "The police have lost the faith of people," said Om Prakash, another resident. Over 15 houses at Chhawani Colony, 20 business establishments, new buildings of PWD rest house, BDPO, Red Cross and Excise offices, Railway Station, Police station, Bank of Patiala, Chhotu Ram Dharamshala and over 50 roadways buses, government vehicles, private cars and two wheelers were set on fire in a town that aspires to be an industrial hub of the state.

Most shops are still closed in all main markets. Residents in each colony take up thikri pehra (night patrolling) in self-defence in the absence of any worthwhile police help that suddenly vanished for four-five days since Feb 20.

"How can you blame the police alone when the Army was also deployed? Arson and violence took place in the presence of army personnel who were mute spectators in the absence of orders," said a police officer, claiming that the police did not receive any order to resort to firing to disperse the mobs.

Om Prakash Dhankar, a leader of Dhankar Khap, said "We want to financially help families who lost their loved ones. The violence is the direct result of government ignoring the Jat community even as BJP's Rajkumar Saini made inflammatory statements."

"The police were nowhere to be seen when people were being thrashed and killed by hooligans," said Ram Niwas Saini, a resident of Chhawani Colony where two men were killed and 20 others were injured when protesters attacked their houses. Said TV mechanic Anil Kumar whose shop was torched: "It was horrible. Let no suffer the way I have."


Warnings ignored
Hisar: Feb 21, just when violence seemed ebbing in other areas of the state, caste clashes broke out in parts of the district. Jats hailing from Sisay village clashed with Gurjars and Sainis in adjoining villages of Sainipura, Dhani Pal and Jaggabara in the Hansi region. Senior Superintendent of Police Ashwin Shenvi said it was a free-for-all. "The area is wide, where houses are thinly spread out. So, we didn't have a particular area to defend. Even then, we managed to prevent clashes," he said.

It all began from the district's Mayyar village, the centre of Jat agitation in 2010-13. This time again, the All India Jat Arakshan Sangharsh Samiti (AIJASS) announced it'd resume the stir with a sit-in on the railway tracks. On Feb 12, AIJASS boss Hawa Singh Sangwan, addressing around 1,000 of his supporters, seemed undecided about how to reignite the stir. A group of 10 persons went into a huddle near him and announced: March to the railway tracks. "The government didn't respond to our 3pm deadline. We had no option. Let the 'OBC Brigade' of Rajkumar Saini dare remove us from the tracks," the Jats sounded the battle cry. Yet things were in a flux.

Sangwan finally withdrew the stir after an assurance from state agriculture minister OP Dhankar on Feb 13. But a group of the Samiti was disappointed and refused to clear the blockade. The next day, this group too lifted the blockade. But some of them went to Sampla in Rohtak, the birthplace of legendary Jat leader Sir Chhotu Ram, where an indefinite dharna began.

Meanwhile, sensing the buildup in the Rohtak region, the Yashpal Malik group, too, started a dharna on the railway tracks between Mayyar and Ramyana village in the district from February 17. The agitation thus split between the moderates and extremists.


Loud & clear
Bhiwani: Om Prakash Mann, state president of All India Jat Mahasabha and a khap spokesperson makes it plain: the community is a victim in Bhiwani district. "The Jat Dharamsala was vandalized and torched. At least 10 private properties of community members, including one belonging to me, were attacked by Rajputs," he said.

The Rajputs guarding a community centre attacked during violent situation, have a different story to tell. One of them claiming to be an ex-sarpanch said that the Jat agitation was a facade in the garb of disturbing law and order situation to malign the image of a non-Jat Chief Minister. The Rajputs as well as other caste members blame the police for inaction.

Such is the caste divide that persons who are now coming forward to lodge complaints are questioning the caste of investigation officers or the SHOs concerned. A senior police officer admitted that there was a complete failure of the system in which even policemen had to run away. "Police posts at several places were burned down by goons who wanted to destroy their criminal records," said an officer.

Superintendent of Police Pratiksha Godara said the force could not dispatch reinforcements to rural areas as all the roads were blocked. "We had inputs that what happened in Rohtak on Feb 19 could be replicated in Bhiwani. So I and the Deputy Commissioner set up a control room to assess the situation," she said.

She said many individuals settled their personal scores taking advantage of the volatile situation. Deputy Commissioner Pankaj said they were told not to order firing until it was absolutely necessary, and that too, after permission from higher authorities. As the events unfolded, it'd seem no permission to open fire was sought.

'Heavily outnumbered'
Jind: Former additional director general of police, Haryana, BK Sinha says the police force in the present agitation largely remained confined to their safe offices as its movement was restricted by agitating mobs blockading the roads. How else would you explain the burning down of around seven railway stations and a police post? However, the question is when the mobs were chopping over 5,000 fully grown trees to use them as obstacles, what was the forest department or the police doing? Senior police officers said since villagers didn't allow policemen to move ahead, they had to take interior routes, which delayed the response, enabling mobs to loot and plunder.

The district forest office deploys only one guard at every 10km. Officers said they were helpless when they were heavily outnumbered by agitators.

Jind Deputy Commissioner Vinay Singh and Superintendent of Police , Abhishek Jorwal said ultimately it was people's support that brought some semblance of order.

Sunit Dhawan in Rohtak, Ravinder Saini in Jhajjar, Deepender Deswal in Hisar, Sat Singh in Bhiwani and N Kalia in Jind. Coordination & anchoring: Prashant Saxena















 







HARYANARCHY : PART 2 /9- BLUNTING THE INSTRUMENT OF LAST RESORT

SOURCE:
                                                                                   

                                                      PART  TWO/NINE                                                                                                             REFERENCES :-

(K)Part- 11/X:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2020/12/jat-reservation-agitation.html
(J) Part-10/ X:-      https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/sourcehttpwww.html

(H) Part-8/9 :-     https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-8-let-there-be-no-more.html

  (GPART- 7/9:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-79-let-truth-behind.html

 (F)  Part- 6/9:-    https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-6-9-face-to-face-with.html

(E)  Part -5/9:-    https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-5-days-later-govt.html
(D)  Part -4/9:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-4-why-haryana.html
(C)  Part -3/9:-     https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/harynarchy-part-3-backward-march-who.html                                              
 (B)  Part -2/9:-   https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-2-blunting-instrument.html

( A)  Part -1/9:-   https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/02/internal-security-indian-army-goof-up.html

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                         

 
             BLUNTING THE INSTRUMENT
                                      OF
                             LAST RESORT
                                        By 
Lt Gen NS Brar, PVSM, AVSM, VSM (Retd)


                     
 Now  that the nation and its institutions have lost as nothing appears to have been gained by the agitation. The issue of reservations is a complex and emotive national socio – political matter within which the sub text of the Jat agitation was played out. Perhaps nothing in the country is so deeply mired in politics, to the exclusion of all else, as caste, ethnicity and religion focussed on reservations. In the final analysis the country, its leadership and the people will have to address and redress the whole question of reservation sooner rather than later. There is no doubt that there will be many such agitations to come. What is imperative is the way they are handled with specific reference to employment of the Army (and the armed forces).


The military is a nation’s instrument of last resort. ‘It’s the final argument of kings’. If it fails the nation has nothing to fall back on. Consequently, the nation has to ensure that it is maintained and employed to deliver when all else fails. 

It was quite apparent that the Jat agitation, soon after its launch, had degenerated into a serious law and order problem and needed firm handling. However, the inability of the state to act only confirmed that like its neighbour Punjab, the police and civil administration of Haryana had been totally politicised and compromised. So when the mobs came out to block highways and railways, and allegedly rape, the state machinery did not act and instead requisitioned the Army. It simply abdicated its responsibility, which was bad enough, but what followed was worse. Having called out the Army it failed to hand over restoring the situation to the Army by the simple expedient of not executing the legal provisions for doing so. Here was a situation, when leave aside clearing the road blocks, the Army was unable to move its own vehicle columns to the affected areas and employed helicopters to so. 

The law mandates and authorises the civil administration to requisition the Army for ‘aid to civil authority’ for restoring law and order or in situations of natural disasters. Inbuilt into the authority is the proviso that the civil administration has employed and exhausted all means available at its disposal and has no other option. The law also provides that a designated magistrate has to sign and hand over the situation to be restored and the Army having done that hands back the situation to the civil administration. It also implies that the magistrate has to be present on the spot to assess and hand over the situation. In short the Army does not come out on its own and nor does it act on its own to restore law and order.  
  
Here was a situation when mobs were damaging and looting public and private property indicating a total breakdown of law and order. The administration was unable or unwilling to employ the police to control the situation and to add oil to the fire was unwilling to hand over the situation to the Army. Seeing the lumpen mobs vandalising public and private property and the ‘State’ unwilling to hand over to the Army a soldier on the spot would well ask why was he there if he was not to be employed for the purpose for which he was deployed. The military legal system binds a soldier to obey a ‘lawful command’. Seeing mobs on the rampage and the civil administration unwilling to hand over and situation to the Army may be interpreted as an ‘unlawful command’ by the designated civil authority prompting the military commander on the spot to act to execute a ‘lawful command’ without the formal handing over by the magistrate. The soldier would not have ‘taken the law into his own hands’ but would have abided by the law. Perhaps the courts of the land will adjudicate on this aspect one day and if it finds favour, it would render a serious blow to the democratic principle of civil control of the military. It would not be of the making of the military.

The politics of employment of the Army, as played out, should also enlighten those who propagate doing away with the Armed Forces Special Power Act (AFSP) in disturbed areas. Consider a terrorist induced situation where the civil administration and police is obviously unable to handle it and in the absence of the state being declared disturbed, and AFSP not being promulgated, the Army cannot act without formal requisition and handing over by a magistrate. And, the magistrate is either not available or is unwilling to hand over!

The country has paramilitary and armed police strength perhaps equal to or more than the Army. The proliferation in its strength has been matched by the proliferation in adopting military uniforms, badges of rank and protocols but it has not adopted the military leadership and accountability. Needless to say it does not inspire confidence in the populace at large. Resultantly, the Army columns carried placards to so as to distinguish them from the paramilitary. Implying therefore that the columns were not from the paramilitary with its known inability and ineffectiveness. Having done that the Army too was made ineffective by political and legal jugglery. 

We seem to have spared no efforts to blunt the instrument of last resort by playing politics with it. Whether it is the Sikh Regiment at the Republic Day Parade, One Rank One Pension, requisitioning the Army in aid to civil authority for mundane tasks or calling out the Army and then playing politics over its employment even when the mobs run riot. The Jat agitation and its handling, and specifically the employment of the Army, chipped away at the purpose and perception of its capability both within the Army and the public at large. It added in blunting the instrument. If the decision and directions from the highest quarters was not to use force then why call out the instrument of force ? There will be many more such agitations to come. The nation needs to be alive as to how it employs the Army to respond to such agitations. Mishandling obviously has grave long term consequences for the Army and the country.  
 
 
 
  

HARYANARCHY INTERNAL SECURITY: PART 1/9 - INDIAN ARMY & THE GOOF UP

SOURCE::
http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/comment/why-this-goof-up-in-haryana/201099.html


                      HARYANARCHY: 

              Why this goof-up in Haryana?

                                    BY

                   M.G. Devasahayam


REFERENCES :-

(K)Part- 11/X:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2020/12/jat-reservation-agitation.html
(J) Part-10/ X:-      https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/sourcehttpwww.html

(H) Part-8/9 :-     https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-8-let-there-be-no-more.html

  (GPART- 7/9:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-79-let-truth-behind.html

 (F)  Part- 6/9:-    https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-6-9-face-to-face-with.html

(E)  Part -5/9:-    https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-5-days-later-govt.html
(D)  Part -4/9:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-4-why-haryana.html
(C)  Part -3/9:-     https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/harynarchy-part-3-backward-march-who.html                                              
 (B)  Part -2/9:-   https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-2-blunting-instrument.html

( A)  Part -1/9:-   https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/02/internal-security-indian-army-goof-up.html




 

Why this goof-up  in Haryana?



The soldiers of the Army unload supplies from an IAF helicopter at the police lines in Rohtak. The Army doctrine 2004 clearly defines its role.


The haste with which the Army was deployed in Haryana by airlifting troops to Rohtak is a serious matter. The Army is the last resort for quelling civilian riots, not the first one. What Haryana did is akin to using a sledgehammer to kill a fly.




In the midst of military operation to quell the Jat protest in Haryana there was an innocuous media report suggesting that Army personnel had been put under the command of BS Sandhu, Additional DGP (Law and Order). The report also said that the state government has asked the Army to be called in eight districts. In this matter the "Chief Secretary had spoken to the Army Chief and the Chief Minister to the Defence Minister". The effort was to deploy the Army as soon as possible to control the situation.  

This report went viral on the veteran's email circuit with some senior officers, including former Generals, venting their spleen at the humiliation meted out to the Army by placing its men under the command of the police. Lt Gen (retd) SK Bahri shot off an angry letter to the Union Home Minister.  Lt Gen Shokin Chauhan, GOC, 1 Corps quickly intervened and clarified the position in an email: “The troops in Haryana are from 1 Corps, which I command and there is no question about they being under anyone's command other than mine… I visited them yesterday and today the Army Commander was with them. We have a commander in each district commanding his troops. The police assist us in identifying local people, tracks and disturbed areas.” This assuaged the veterans and the anger faded away. But the bitter fact is that there is a huge trust deficit between the government and the veterans, which is also has a ripple effect on serving soldiers. This is not in national interest. 

The Haryana government seems to have goofed up the entire handling of the situation. The provision of the Army in aid of civil authority is governed by Section 130 of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC). This legal clause states that decision to requisition "armed forces"  to disperse "violent assembly of people," which cannot otherwise be dispersed by the police or other forces available, should be taken by the “Executive Magistrate of the highest rank,” which is the District Magistrate, called the Deputy Commissioner in Haryana. Such Magistrate “may require any officer in command of any group of persons belonging to the armed forces to disperse the assembly with the help of the armed forces under his command, and to arrest and confine such persons forming part of it as the Magistrate may direct, or as it may be necessary to arrest and confine in order to disperse the assembly or to have them punished according to law." Law also says that “every such officer of the armed forces shall obey such requisition in such manner as he thinks fit, but in so doing he shall use as little force and do as little injury to person and property, as may be consistent with dispersing the assembly and arresting and detaining such persons.” Law and the standard operating procedure are clear. District Magistrates are the competent authority to requisition the Army as the local situation demands. After requisition, when the situation is handed over to the Army by a written order from the Magistrate, the Army is entirely in control with the officer-in-command in charge. Only that the Army is expected to bring the situation under control quickly and hand it back to the civil authorities and exit the scene.  The Army presence, at best, should be just about for a week.

Under no circumstance can the Army be placed under the command of the police. This is an essential part of fair civil administration because the Army is expected to be totally impartial and unprejudiced while dealing with an explosive law and order situation, which might have arisen because of excess committed by the police resulting in a head-on confrontation with the rioting public. Neither is there any provision for “bulk requisitioning” of the Army by the Chief Secretary or the Chief Minister directly dealing with the Army Chief or the Defence Minister. 

These are serious distortions that have crept into basic governance over a period of time due to civil servants pandering to the whims of politicians.  The haste with which Army was deployed in Haryana by airlifting troops to Rohtak is another serious matter. Army is the last resort for quelling civilian riots, not the first one. What Haryana did is akin to using a sledgehammer to kill a fly. What is strange is that Army Chief, General Dalbir Singh Suhag, who belongs to Haryana, appears to have taken personal interest in this “show of extreme force.” As the Eastern Army Commander, he had taken more than four days to move the Army when Kokrajhar and a few other districts of Assam were burning from communal violence and the death toll had crossed 100. District Magistrates there had requisitioned the force directly and the Army was already in deployment near district towns. Yet Suhag had cited procedures for the delay, which is contrary to the mandate of Section 130 CrPC. There is a lurking suspicion that he may have become an unwitting accomplice to a well-manipulated plan to silence democratic dissent sweeping all over the country.

This has happened despite the presence of nearly 50 companies, or around 5,000 Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) personnel in the state, in addition to over 60,000 Haryana policemen, including Special Armed Police based in Madhuban near Karnal. In addition, there are several other paramilitary forces with huge strength whose services could have been requisitioned.

The Army Doctrine-2004 clearly defines its role in national security and maintenance of law and order. The primary role is to preserve national interests and safeguard sovereignty, territorial integrity and the unity of India against any external threats by deterrence or by waging war. The secondary role is to assist Government agencies to cope with "proxy war" and other internal threats and provide aid to civil authority when requisitioned for the purpose. Relegating the Army to its secondary role by constant troop deployment on internal security duties, dilutes the Army's authority, corrupts ranks and compromises efficiency through lack of training. Besides, over time soldiers of the Army are looked upon merely as riot controllers in olive green, losing the respect and mystique they traditionally enjoyed. This also lulls the bloated civil police and paramilitary forces that continue to grow, but remain incapable of maintaining law and order. Haryana's proud Jat community reducing themselves to seek charity from the government in the form of quota is bad enough. But resorting to such violence and rioting is a permanent blur on this martial community. There must very strong socio-economic compulsions for Jats to take to this inglorious path. Powers that be in Haryana must learn one lesson from this royal goof-up. That is, to properly diagnose the causes for this flare-up and take remedial steps before it is too late. Letting loose the Army's might is certainly not the answer.

The writer is a former IAS officer of the Haryana cadre.



















Thursday, March 3, 2016

HARYANARCHY: PART -6 / 9:- FACE TO FACE WITH ANARCHY

SOURCE:
http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/sunday-special/columns/face-to-face-with-anarchy/202004.html

REFERENCES :-

(K)Part- 11/X:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2020/12/jat-reservation-agitation.html
(J) Part-10/ X:-      https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/sourcehttpwww.html

(H) Part-8/9 :-     https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-8-let-there-be-no-more.html

  (GPART- 7/9:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-79-let-truth-behind.html

 (F)  Part- 6/9:-    https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-6-9-face-to-face-with.html

(E)  Part -5/9:-    https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-5-days-later-govt.html
(D)  Part -4/9:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-4-why-haryana.html
(C)  Part -3/9:-     https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/harynarchy-part-3-backward-march-who.html                                              
 (B)  Part -2/9:-   https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-2-blunting-instrument.html

( A)  Part -1/9:-   https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/02/internal-security-indian-army-goof-up.html




Feb 28, 2016
 
     HARYANARCHY: FACE TO FACE
                           WITH ANARCHY
                                      BY




                                                    
                         HARISH KHARE


I have seen and written about violence, riots and mobs. Starting with the 1981 anti-reservation riots in Gujarat to the 1984 anti-Sikh violence, to 1985-1986-1987 anti-reservation-cum-communal violence in Ahmedabad, to the Ramjanmabhumi violence from 1990-1992. Only once, when the BJP had given a call for “Bharat bandh” after LK Advani’s arrest, was I roughed up by the mob. In all these experiences with violence, as a reporter I had a vague sense of who was directing the violence and against whom. Last Monday's encounter was of a different kind.


As it happened, Monday morning I was on my way to Chandigarh from Delhi. At nine-thirty, my Chandigarh-based colleagues had informed me that National Highway No. 1 — the old great Grand Trunk Road — had been cleared of obstructions and hooligans and was now open for traffic.

I had left Delhi at ten.

At 10.35, I had crossed Murthal. On both sides of the road, charred cars and other vandalised vehicles bore testimony to the violence of the last few days. 

I was on the mobile, talking to a friend, and admiring the capacity of the ‘law and order’ machinery to restore a semblance of order.

Fifteen minutes later, the journey came to a halt.

The vehicular traffic had stopped. Drivers and passengers had spilled out on the road. No one had any idea why. All that could be gathered was that ‘trouble’ had erupted again on the road, a few miles farther up. 

There was a frisson of apprehension in the air. 

Suddenly, a few existential doubts asserted themselves. One has always taken for granted that an Indian citizen can go to anywhere, travel to any place, any time. My identity gives me — provides me — this freedom.

All that sense of assurance, all that sense of security evaporated in that moment.

Those hotels, glorified, air-conditioned dhabas, really, always bustling with traffic and customers, wore a forlorn, abandoned look.

Before I could decide to ask the driver to drive back to Delhi and safety, word came that trouble had erupted also at Murthal. There was no escape route.

A frightening realisation dawns. No policeman is around, the old reliable, trusted guardian of order has deserted his post, or worse, has probably looked the other way. You are at the mercy of the unarmed, unpredictable and unanswerable lumpens, unafraid of law. And, if the elderly women have been made to join in the protest, there is a social acceptance, even sanction, for the violence in defence of this “cause” or that “demand”. 

A sense of being trapped creeps over. A helplessness because you cannot make sense of who is in control of the disruption and of the disruptionists. No confidence that that the 'law and order' will be able to get them.

Suddenly, you understand that anarchic forces are just lingering beneath the surface. The precariousness of it all, despite all the strong leaders we are blessed with. Parts of Rohtak were like scenes from Syria. 

How easy it was for a few hundred men to choke Delhi's water supply. There was panic and desperation in middle class neighbourhoods, even as the poor are used to water shortages. 

I was lucky that it could be arranged for me to take shelter in one of the deserted hotels. My driver and I were given food and a place to rest. Later, it was arranged that two local young men, on a motor cycle, would escort us to safety through the interior roads.

And, that journey was tense. but I could also observe that the area was reasonably prosperous. Pucca houses, bountiful fields, well-fed men and women, beauty parlours, stores, shops, — and, yet, still all this insistence on inventing a grammar of backwardness.

It was too grim to be humming John Denver's “Country roads, take me home….” 

Though I always had a vague sense that I would make it to the safety of Delhi or Chandigarh, imagine how a person feels when he has no option but to live with violence and the demands violence make on ethics, morale, relationships and notions of friendships. Violence always takes a toll on one's sense of well-being because it violates one's sense of fairness. The toll is lasting.

                               So it will be in Haryana.  









 

HARYANARCHY : PART-9/9:- VIDEOS - POLITICS OF DENIAL IN GOVERNANCE, ANARCHY & MOBOCRACY IN HARYANA


SOURCE: UTUBE


REFERENCES :-

(K)Part- 11/X:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2020/12/jat-reservation-agitation.html
(J) Part-10/ X:-      https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/sourcehttpwww.html

(H) Part-8/9 :-     https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-8-let-there-be-no-more.html

  (GPART- 7/9:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-79-let-truth-behind.html

 (F)  Part- 6/9:-    https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-6-9-face-to-face-with.html

(E)  Part -5/9:-    https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-5-days-later-govt.html
(D)  Part -4/9:-  https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-4-why-haryana.html
(C)  Part -3/9:-     https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/harynarchy-part-3-backward-march-who.html                                              
 (B)  Part -2/9:-   https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/03/haryanarchy-part-2-blunting-instrument.html

( A)  Part -1/9:-   https://bcvasundhra.blogspot.com/2016/02/internal-security-indian-army-goof-up.html




 HARYANARCHY :  PART-9/9:-  VIDEOS - POLITICS OF DENIAL IN GOVERNANCE,  ANARCHY & MOBOCRACY IN HARYANA




 
   HARYANARCHY :  VIDEOS - POLITICS OF DENIAL IN GOVERNANCE,  ANARCHY & MOBOCRACY IN HARYANA
 
 
 
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