Sunday, April 19, 2015

INDIA'S FIFTH COLUMN : THE PRESSITUDES & MEDIA WORKERS ON THE PAY ROLL

SOURCE:
http://www.msn.com/en-in/news/other/modi-salutes-vk-singh-slams-media-for-ignoring-good-work/ar-AAbj6CI


              INDIA'S  FIFTH  COLUMN
            : THE  INDIAN PRESSITUDES
                                       & 
                       MEDIA WORKERS
                                    ON
                          THE PAY ROLL


Modi salutes Gen VK Singh, Slams Media for             PROFFESSIONAL DISHONESTY
                           by ignoring
 SELFLESS GOOD WORK  DONE IN THE  NATIONAL & HUMANITARIAN INTEREST

Volumes can be written on the pressitudism of the INDIAN MEDIA but to make my point I will illustrate the following only which have happened recently in our own life time.

      (a) These self appointed "PRESSITUDES"  of HINDI-PUNJABI & URDU publications of LAHORE  & their media workers were responsible for spreading the bush fires of blood & orgy in 1946-47 by publishing irresponsible news item & in process abetting the "PARTITION" &      " GENOCIDE"  of the innocents

      (b) These pressitudes  didn't learn any thing from 1947 & in its new AVTAR of  HINDI & PUNJABI publications from Jullundur  repeated the same abetment resulting in trifurcation of the GREAT INDIAN PUNJAB into political insignificant entities to be manipulated by political nonentities second  grade  immature political ACTORs. 
 
     (c) With the advent of  mass communication revolution resulting in the appearance of   SMALL SCREEN on the national stage the  role of  vernacular pressitudes & associated   media workers have been taken over [ LIKE the kind of ISIS  of  Iraq & Syrian Islamic terrorism  ] by the  dangerous  Public School  self appointed educated pressitudes who have placed their services on payment of "INDUCEMENT  of  FAVOURS  & GRATITUDES". These new avtars of pressitues have no qualm of indulging in 
      " PROFESSIONAL DISHONESTY"






Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

© India Today Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi praised General (retd) VK Singh, who has faced attack from a section of the media over his "presstitutes" remark. Modi hit out at the media for not highlighting the "good works" of his government.


"I salute Gen (retd) VK Singh," Modi said as he hailed the "unprecedented" rescue mission led by the minister for evacuating Indians out of Yemen, for which External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj, too, came in for praise from the Prime Minister, PTI reported.

Modi was critical of the media for ignoring Singh's work at a time when newspapers worldwide highlighted the Indian rescue mission.


He said that the Indian media took note of it, but due to other reasons -- a reference to the criticism of Singh, the Minister of State for External Affairs, for his use of the term "presstitutes".


"Can you imagine? Bombardment is going on in Yemen 24 hours and everybody is out to kill each other and we, after talking to so many countries, manage to stop this for two hours to evacuate as many Indians as possible. It is not a small incident. I believe this is the first time in the world that a government minister has stood on the battlefield like a soldier to do this work.. I salute General VK Singh," he said at a meeting of BJP MPs.


Taking a dig at Indian media, Modi said, "Look at TV channels and newspapers the world over, they are talking about how India has conducted the operation from the forefront. Indian newspapers spoke about it in the end and that too due to some other reason."


Modi also lauded Swaraj, saying that the External Affairs Ministry had never before worked like it was doing under her.
"If somebody (in distress) tweets to her at 1 am in night, she replies by 1.10 am. The embassy concerned is alerted.. Has anybody ever seen India's External Affairs Ministry work like this?" he asked.


Lamenting the lack of what he described was an "echo- effect" of the good works of his government, he said that if BJP was "naturally attached to power" then the party would have organised a grand show to felicitate Singh and Swaraj.


"I will request it now," he said, adding,

"Thousands of people who have come back safe will always have respect for you. Whether media shows your photographs or not, you have made your place in people's hearts."
 

Thanking Modi for his praise, Singh said in a tweet, "Thank you @narendramodi ji for the kind words of appreciation, none of this would have been possible without your able leadership and guidance."

Using the opportunity to drive home his government's PRO-POOR credentials, Modi said that


most of those evacuated by it in foreign countries were poor people who had gone there in search of better livelihoods.
MORE ON  PRESSITUTES
  [ http://blogs.swarajyamag.com/2015/04/15/the-presstitute-files/  ]
 
                        The Presstitute Files

General V.K. Singh spoke about “presstitutes”. Most of Indian media is honest and upright. However, there is a tiny co-opted minority of journalists who are in bed with politicians, foreign outfits and corporates. An uncensored peek from a man who has seen it all.


Case Study 1:

Fuelling the Communal   Cauldron


One of my earliest encounters with presstitutes happened during the 2002 Gujarat riots. I was the chief copy editor at Hindustan Times, Delhi, and what you’re about to read is straight from the trenches.

HT had a Gujarat bureau with an experienced and well-connected local reporter but for some inexplicable reason despatched a crime reporter based in New Delhi to cover such a major communal clash. From reporting on court matters, this 20-something reporter, whom I’ll call Vinod, suddenly found himself in the middle of a riot.


One of the stories Vinod filed and which made it to HT’s front page was an incendiary – and unsubstantiated – piece about a “Muslim cyclist” who was “passing through a Hindu majority residential area” and got lynched by a “Gujarati mob”. The mob, he claimed, grabbed “loose concrete blocks from the footpath to crack open his skull, resulting in his brains spilling on the ground”.

The shocking thing was that HT was just two hours from publishing this rabble-rousing report – not backed up by any official statement – on its front page. At a sensitive time when the media needed to be extremely cautious about what it published, the reporter and editors were dumping more fuel into the communal cauldron.

Now at HT – which in 2002 had a print run of 900,000 copies – speed rather than accuracy was all that mattered. During a presentation before HT journalists, the printing division’s head had told us – perhaps with a bit of exaggeration – that each half hour delay meant HT would print 25,000 fewer copies. Minor errors therefore did not warrant delays. In fact, if there was a delay of more than 5 minutes past 11.00pm, the following morning we had to provide a pretty good reason why we overshot the deadline. Needless to say, the heart stopping deadlines caused frequent burnouts of journalists.
Despite such pressures, I decided to call up the reporter and get the story sorted. Here’s how the phone call went:

HT Delhi: Did you see the man being killed?
Vinod: No. But I have reliable sources who did.
HT: So who is your source?
Vinod: There was a group of people outside this housing society who showed me the exact spot where the mob killed the man.
HT Delhi: How do you know for sure the man was Muslim?
Vinod: According to the same group of people the man had a long beard. In fact, these people wanted to kill me too because they thought I was Muslim.
HT Delhi: What was a Muslim man doing, cycling through a Hindu majority area on the third day of a major Hindu-Muslim riot?
Vinod: Maybe he was lost.
HT Delhi: How do you know his brains spilled out?
Vinod: The same group of people showed me bloodstains on the footpath.
HT Delhi: And you believe they are telling the truth?
Vinod: Yes.
HT Delhi: So the group that you claim threatened to kill you is now your authentic source?
Vinod: (Stammering) Look, all of them couldn’t lie.
Despite the winter chill, I could sense Vinod loosening his tie (he often wore ties, even in summer). In all those years at HT, he was not used to being questioned like this. However, being a glib operator, he thanked me for calling him and said he would try and clear all my doubts.
My biggest worry at this point was that the following day the graphic details would inflame people in other parts of Gujarat and India and spark more violence.
There was no point appealing to my line editor’s journalistic ethics or his concern – if any – for India’s image. The hole in the story that I had just discovered would not matter when deadline trumped everything. Plus, there was the possibility that Vinod was the management’s hitman, in which case I would be victimised too.
There was only one way out. I told the line editor that such a gory piece could either spark riots in Delhi or would lead to a lawsuit. Personal safety and career being existential matters, he quickly asked me to find a replacement story. A couple of hard core communist journalists protested but were overruled.
Unlike NDTV, which was deliberately inciting violence by broadcasting news from riot-affected areas in a slanted way, HT wasn’t doing it as official policy. It was just a bunch of leftists gone berserk. However, Vinod wasn’t wedded to any ideology. He was just a fake news manufacturer – a presstitute.
Years later I mentioned the riot story to one of his former bosses, who told me Vinod “is a complete fraud and I would not for a second doubt if he concocted” the Gujarat story. Once under pressure to do a major story for the Sunday magazine, “he just didn’t show up and sent a message, saying he wasn’t feeling well and couldn’t come to the office”.
Vinod is now a corporate consultant at a Mumbai-based headhunting firm. And no doubt peddling snake oil.



Case Study 2: Taking stock

The very first presstitute I encountered was at the business daily, Business Standard, which was a sister concern of BusinessWorld magazine where I worked as a sub-editor. Sometime in 1999, BW’s corporate bureau asked me to write about a Gurgaon-based IT firm (let’s call it LMH Systems) that was about to acquire a US-based software company. Here was a pocket-sized Indian company acquiring an American company that was four times bigger. Frankly, it was quite exciting to be able to write about the deal.

Since I had zero experience writing a corporate story, the corporate bureau head suggested I contact Aruna (name changed) a seasoned corporate reporter who had written extensively about LMH Systems. Aruna had recently joined BW after quitting her job at BS. She was very nice to me and said I should speak directly to the owner of LMH Systems, who in her opinion was an extremely friendly guy and would provide me any information I wanted about the deal.

Curiously, she revealed that she owned LMH stock and had made a profit of Rs 60,000, which in 1999 was a tidy amount. She made no effort to hide that it was inside information which allowed her to buy the shares as the company was on the upswing.

But first, Aruna suggested, I read up older stories covered by Business Standard’s Mumbai bureau. So I walked to the daily’s office, which was next door, and after a couple of hours of manual search (not much on the internet those days) found a bunch of stories that had no bylines but were datelined Mumbai.

I called Business Standard’s Mumbai office and asked them if they could identify the reporter who had written those stories. After a few minutes they came back and told me the stories were written by the Delhi bureau. It was all very confusing to me. If the story was written by the Delhi bureau, then why publish it under a Mumbai dateline?

Having hit a roadblock, I called Aruna who insisted it was written by the Mumbai bureau. Not being a hard-boiled reporter, I was hesitant about bothering the Mumbai team again. So I called the newspaper’s Delhi office and told them the whole story. Plus, that I didn’t want to bother the Mumbai bureau again and would really appreciate if they could tell me who wrote the story from Delhi. This time the person at the other end consulted one of his colleagues and said, “It’s Aruna.”

Not being completely stupid I now realised what it was all about. Since Aruna – or her husband – had acquired shares in the company against Business Standard’s policies that no reporter should have a conflict of interest, she had found a neat way of skirting the issue. She was writing stories in LMH’s favour but publishing them from Mumbai – as a hedge against any investigation.

My suspicions were confirmed a few days later when I met LMH’s owner at his plush Gurgaon office. He told me that he had met Aruna in the US where she had a wonderful time travelling all around the country. Perhaps this disclosure about Aruna’s US trip – most likely a junket – was intended as a signal to me that if I cooperated like her, I too could join the ranks of the jet setters.


Case Study 3: Ganging up against Rao

This case study involves a Prime Minister. A year after P.V. Narasimha Rao died, one of his sons – I don’t remember which one – visited a close friend of mine at his Greater Kailash office in New Delhi. This friend was a former colleague who had started his own publishing company.

After Rao’s death, the Congress – or rather the Gandhi dynasty – had started to airbrush out Rao’s key role in India’s economic reforms. It was Rao who had encouraged the unsure and wavering Manmohan Singh to go ahead with liberalisation. But as the first anniversary of Rao’s death approached, there was a complete blackout by the Congress. To borrow George Orwell’s term from the novel 1984, Rao was now an ‘unperson’.

To set right the record, Rao’s son tried to buy a full page ad in a couple of leading New Delhi papers, to showcase the late PM’s contributions to the nation. But for some reason, his cash wasn’t good enough and neither of the two newspapers would touch the ad.

It was only after he was stonewalled by the media that Rao’s son came to my friend and sought his help in buying ad space. The point is not whether he succeeded in getting space. The point is the Indian media – in this case the owners – ganged up against a late prime minister.
See how deep is the rot?


Case Study 4: The television salesman

This happened during my stint at India Today (1999-2001) where I was an assistant copy editor. Every year, the magazine had a Diwali special which had a feelgood cover story on the mega deals available for the middle class.

When the nearly 3,000-word story landed in my inbox, it didn’t take me long to edit as it was a well-written story by a senior writer. However, one paragraph struck me as rather odd as it mentioned the prices of two flat screen televisions being introduced by a leading company. Not only was the pesky para not germane to the story, it looked like a 200-word thumbs up to the stock market punters. It made the entire article look like a paid advertorial. I deleted the sentence and ran it past the writer who re-inserted it before sending me the approved copy.
I yet again got rid of the para and sent it for production. When the layout proofs were sent to the writer, he called me up and asked me to add that sentence again. I said maybe he was just being helpful to the reader but some would look at it as a plug. He hung up and called my editor, demanding that he introduce the para.

Finally a compromise was arrived at. The para was retained but with some of the more blatant plugs removed. I remember a senior colleague commenting: “Either a brand new TV or a large amount of cash has changed locations in Mumbai.”

PRESSITUTE  SPOTTING 

You get the picture. Arnab Goswami, Shobhaa De and Barkha Dutt can rail all they want, but they are no role models. Dutt was caught on tape scheming with Nira Radia on how she could help broker political deals. Shobhaa De is a soft porn writer; to call her a journalist would be a crime. Goswami believes journalism is all about high decibel repetitive yelling. Rajdeep Sardesai’s shameless provocation of a pro-Modi crowd should be a textbook study on how to get lynched on the sidewalks of New York.


Now check out this list of eminent journalists – Dileep Padgaonkar, ex editor of Times of India; Harish Khare, the media adviser to the last prime minister; Ved Bhasin, editor, Kashmir Times; Harinder Baweja, former India Today writer; Praful Bidwai, experienced columnist with communist leanings.
All of them were regular guests of Ghulam Nabi Fai, who was arrested in 2011 by the Federal Bureau of Investigation in the US for acting as the front man of Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence (ISI). The Pakistani spy was arrested in a suspected influence-peddling scheme to funnel millions of dollars from Pakistan to US lawmakers.


According to the FBI, Fai “took dictation from his masters” in Pakistan. He received at least $4 million to manipulate the Kashmir debate in favour of Pakistan. These Indian liberals and media figures had been attending conclaves and meets organised by Fai, at the ISI’s instance, to oust India from Kashmir. You be the judge. What would you call them for acting against India’s interest?


Don’t get me wrong. Most of us journalists are kosher and just want to do a good job, be acknowledged for our work, and hope that our work will make a difference to the country. Many of us routinely turn down bribes and won’t accept junkets or even a token gift.


I know this senior editor at The Hindu who in my presence banged down the phone on Mulayam Singh Yadav because the UP chief minister had dared to invite him for a “cup of tea”. (Unfortunately, he has become a communist apologist today.) There is a Rediff writer who prefers to live in a one-bedroom apartment because that’s preferable to taking bribes from political parties. “Can you imagine how soundly I sleep,” he said with a wink.


There is a close friend who doesn’t mind that all he has to show after 30 years of journalism is a two-bedroom flat in a DDA enclave in Delhi. He refused to be part of his editor’s plan to blackmail political leaders by using his amazing investigative skills.


In 2002, I turned down a Rs 50,000 bribe from a builder uncle who said, “All you have to do is get a one column article published in HT’s business pages.” I kept my phone off the hook for a week.


What I did was no big deal. Most of Indian media is honest and upright. However, there is a tiny co-opted minority of journalists who are in bed with politicians, foreign agents and corporates, and are a huge problem. When Gen V.K. Singh talks about presstitutes, he’s on the money.



Further reading


In need of a Leveson? Journalism in India in times of Paid News and ‘Private Treaties’?

India Media Buries Paid News Report

Paid News

“Good morning! Your paper is free of paid news!”



Note: Swarajya believes in freedom of speech, which lies at the very core of the concept of blogging. So we carry a diversity of opinion in our Blogs sections. This does not mean that the editorial or management teams of Swarajya necessarily agree with the opinions expressed by the authors







 
 












































 

Saturday, April 18, 2015

The Big Fight : The Shock & Awe in Rafale Deal

SOURCE:http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/sunday-special/perspective/the-shock-and-awe-in-rafale-deal/69129.html









 By agreeing to purchase 36 Rafale jets in a fly-away condition from France, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has signaled the end of an era of indecision and dilly-dallying that bogged down the defence preparedness of our armed forces. For almost three decades, India did not purchase artillery guns - lest the stigma and the ensuing taint of the scandal caught up with them. According to an incriminating report by the Parliamentary Committee on Defence our soldiers lack necessary equipment - boots, night-vision devices. To cite few examples, India's indigenous programme on Scorpene submarine is way behind its scheduled time and the Tejas fighters are yet to get the final operational clearance, which are so vital to replace the ageing MiG-21. So is this the beginning of a new era of direct purchase? Will the new urgency be a welcome change and cut through the draconian red-tapism and political indecision? How can our defence purchases be made easier?
 
 


 



                   The Shock & Awe in Rafale Deal

                                        By

                          SANDEEP  DIXIT

     Apr 19 2015 

    The shock and awe in Rafale deal

     

    The shock and awe in Rafale deal
     
    ON a tolerable day in Paris when the temperature was a balmy 21 degrees, Prime Minister Narendra Modi may have appeared to have flunked his first test for a man who claimed defence manufacturing was at the heart of his Make-in-India programme to create more jobs.




     Emerging from talks with French President Francoise Hollande, Modi junked a decade-long selection process for fighter planes by announcing the immediate purchase of 36 Rafale fighters from the stable of the politically well-connected Dassault family.


     This effectively buried the previous government’s grand plans of transparency in the selection process and leveraging the huge tender (initially Rs 42,000 crore, but now in the region of Rs 1.2 lakh crore) to create a hub of high tech in India by asking the winning company to source half the tender amount from India.

     

     For the first time since he took power, Modi was also exposed to murmurs of having jettisoned transparency. The recent auctions for telecom spectrum and coal blocks were smooth affairs and netted the government much beyond what it had bargained for. But the bolt-from-the-blue approach to consummating the deal for fighters with France was not helped by a flurry of Tweets by Subramanian Swamy, an inveterate Modi backer, or the explanation that it had now become a Government-to-Government (G2G) deal.


     The Indian armed forces have long been used to purchases of defence equipment taking a long slow route that lasts decades. The British advanced jet trainer was finally bought 20 years after talks first opened and several trainee pilots along with experienced teachers had died while cutting their teeth on the unforgiving MiG-21, whose high take-off and landing speeds spell trouble in case of a slight miscalculation. The hunt for a replacement to Bofors artillery guns has run through the tenures of the Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh governments, and there is no end in sight yet.

     
     
     

     On Cusp of a Bofors Moment? 

     As was the case with Bofors guns, Rafale is an excellent plane. No arguments about that though Subramanian Swamy thought otherwise up to the moment Modi signed the pact with France. As was the case with Bofors, the Indian Air Force desperately needs planes that can perform several functions — fly low and long to bomb targets and get up in the air quickly to have enough maneuverability to take on enemy planes trying to bomb an airfield, bridge or an oil refinery. So, did he do the right thing by short-circuiting the elaborate toothcombing by the Defence Ministry by placing an order for 36 ready-made planes?


     Apart from the bare cupboard of the Army when Rajiv Gandhi opted for Bofors and of the IAF when Modi inked the pact for 36 Rafale fighters, there is little in common between the two decisions.

     

      The tender for 126 medium fighter planes was supposed to be different. With Sonia Gandhi as Chairperson, the United Progressive Alliance knew better than any regime the political fallout of a defence bribery scandal. Bofors made Rajiv Gandhi’s 400-plus seat cushion in Lok Sabha a bitter memory and the purchase of coffins during George Fernandes’ tenure at the Defence Ministry contributed to the erosion of goodwill earned by the Vajpayee government for astutely managing the Kargil conflict.


      So, taking a lesson from both, the UPA installed AK Antony as Defence Minister and made nearly all mega purchases of defence equipment into a competitive affair in which all bidders were invited for pre and post-bid conferences. What must have been on top of Modi’s mind was that neither of the two approaches worked and some crucial sectors in defence seemed to be slipping back to the pre-Kargil state of neglect. Antony was prone to referring every single complaint to the Central Bureau of Investigation, even if it was an innocuous Defence Ministry letter with nil security implications. And the competitive tender approach activated the dirty tricks department of almost every company in the fray, causing Antony to defer a decision on multi role helicopters, artillery guns and, of course, the 126 fighter plane tender.  


      In the 126 plane tender, Dassault, a veteran of the Indian defence market since 1957, was unwilling to guarantee the delivery schedules of planes to be made in India, nor was it ready to lower the price — which had ballooned to Rs 1.8 lakh crore by January this year.

     

      India was also caught in a diplomatic tangle with France. Its company Areva was unable to set up six nuclear plants in Maharashtra despite a written assurance by then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and despite Paris  having been among the most enthusiastic in urging some recalcitrant Nuclear Suppliers’ Group (NSG) countries to vote to end India’s exclusion from the global commerce mainstream.
    Also, it was unable to act on assurances of an early order to Rafale given to previous French President Nicolas Sarkozy (whose party is backed by the Dassault family) as well as the incumbent, who too would like to remain on the right side of the Dassault clan.  


      So far the 36 plane order might not be a fit case for approaching the courts. This is because technically Modi has simply expressed his intention to buy the planes and nothing more. It is also untrue that no country is interested in Rafale. Egypt has an order for 24 and Qatar and UAE are reported to be interested as well. 

     
     

     More Rafale Purchases

     Since the announcement was made by the top executive authority of India, it cannot be cancelled. So it can be argued that India will now be forced to purchase more and more of Rafale planes to make up for the shortfall of MiGs, that are gradually being pulled out from active services.
    But the urge to somehow meet IAF’s requirement — if it was really that — has also undoubtedly weakened India’s negotiating position for better terms for maintenance.

     

     Modi’s real test will come when negotiators sit down to pencil the fineprint. India will seek technology transfer while France is bound to seek a firm commitment for more planes. India must also get the software source code so that it can refigure the weapon systems and onboard equipment. A competitive approach was always going to be difficult. Most of India’s defence acquisitions have been through the direct negotiations route, be they the three aircraft carriers so far, the Sukhois, the T-90 tanks, frigates and destroyers, the AN-32, Il-76, C-17 and C-130 transport planes or even the Bofors guns. Technology transfer was also not negotiated in advance in many of the cases.

     

     What Modi has to watch out for is better terms and conditions when his negotiators sit down to map the delivery schedules of the 36 planes and future orders. No one would be more competent to detect the chinks in the deal than the present Comproller and Auditor General of India, who was the Director General (Acquisitions) and then the Defence Secretary when the tender route was being pursued.

    RAFALE FIGHTER AIRCRAFT 
     
     
    2 Countries Have It

    Only France and Egypt have placed an order, while UAE and Qatar are interested in buying Rafale fighers. Some countries will wait for India to purchase, but Pakistan and China unlikely to get it.

    Comfort Factor

    Indian Air Force has been using Dassault-made fighters since 1957, many parts in common with Mirage

    Combat Record

    Afghanistan: Operation Enduring Freedom (2002-present)

    Libya: Operation Unified Protector (2011)

    Multi-Role  Plane
    According to Dassault Aviation, Rafale can carry out both air-to-ground strikes as well as air-to-air attacks and interceptions

    Delivery Date

    India will not receive its first Rafale fighter jet for up to two-and-a-half years and tricky issues, including pricing, still need to be worked out

    Parameters

    Gun: One 30-mm cannon for dogfights and strafing

    Stations: 12 external hardpoints and two wingtip rails

    Air-to-Air MissileFor dogfights: MICA

    Air-to-Surface Missile For ground attacks, Exocet and
    nuclear-capable missiles

    Bomb  1,000-kg laser guided bombs

    Other features  Rocket pods, Electronic Counter Measure pods





     
     FIVE  THAT  LOST OUT





     






    Grippen (Swedish): Power plant not much better than Tejas, a light fighter being developed in India. Made for action in Europe that doesn’t require a big range


















    Eurofighter: Came second after Rafale. Big tail diminishes stealth capability. A product of consortium of four nations, some with predilection for sanctions















    F-16: Pakistani pilots very well versed with this fighter; home country US prone to imposing sanctions












    F-18: Work horse of US Air Force, not very good maneuverability; US prone to imposing sanctions






    MiG-35: Issue of easy-going attitude by Russians leading to poor after-sales service, high smoke level.







    New fighters for IAF: 5 yrs in the Making



    The loss of MiG-21s during the Kargil conflict and superior performance by the French Mirage in hitting Pakistani forces’ supply lines contributed to the enemy capitulation and made the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government taking up Indian Air Force’s request for new fighters in real earnest in 2000.






     2001The government issues a request for information (RFI) but there was scepticism in some international capitals about India’s ability to afford such a large tender, then estimated at $10.2 billion.

     2007Action hots up after the normalisation of bilateral relations with Washington following the Indo-US nuclear deal in 2006. Besides the F-16 (made by arms and space major Lockheed Martin), the US government asks India to also consider Boeing’s F 18\A Super Hornet. Government issues tenders asking six companies to test their fighters in India.

     2008 The competing companies — two American, three European and one Russian — submit voluminous bids, covering about 600 parameters. Planes start getting tested by Indian pilots at various locations from Leh at its coldest to restricted landing strips in the Indian Ocean and Bay of Bengal.

     2011
    French company Dassault’s Rafale comes out on top on various parameters with the four-nation consortium’s Eurofighter in second place. Bids by Russia, both American companies as well as a Swedish company are rejected.

     2012
    Dassault is officially acknowledged as having passed all the tests and emerged as the lowest bidder for 18 planes to be delivered in readymade condition and 108 planes to be made in India. The deal by now is 50 per cent higher than the original estimates.

     2013  Negotiations with Dassault continue and are nearly finalised but BJP leader Yashwant Sinha and then Rajya Sabha MP MV Mysoora Reddy consider it their “patriotic duty” to complain about loopholes in the deal. Then Defence Minister AK Antony orders officials to re-examine the deal.

     2014  As elections approach, Antony citing inadequate funds decides to put the deal on hold despite vigorous campaigning by French politicians.

     2015  Taking everyone by surprise, Prime Minister Narendra Modi announces that India will buy 36 readymade Rafael planes from Dassault. On the fate of the 126-plane tender, Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar says one car can’t drive in two directions at the same time, meaning Dassault will take the MMRCA cake. Parrikar attempts to gloss over the decision by saying this will be now a Government-to-Government (G2G) deal.




    THE PROBLEM INDIAN AIR FORCE FACES


    • Indian Air Force wants 45 fighter squadrons (18 in each squadron) for a two-front collusive threat. Many bombers and interceptors, all from the MiG stable, are to retire over the next five-six years.

    • Government authorised strength is 42 squadrons

    • IAF today has 25 active fighter squadrons, according to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence. But IAF claims the number is 39.

    • 14 squadrons of MiG-21 (Vikram\Trishul, now Bison) and MiG-27 (Bahadur) aircraft to retire by 2024

    • Canberras, used for bombing runs, have already retired

    • Theoretically, the squadron strength will go down to 11 if there are no replacements.

    • But that is the worst case scenario. At least 13 Sukhois planes are getting inducted every year, almost the entire remaining fleet is getting life extension/more potent engines and weapon suites



    ACTION  PLAN TO ARREST DEPLETION
    • 272 Su-30 MKI to form 13 squadrons by 2020

    • 11 more Sukhoi\Fifth Generation Fighter Aircraft (FGFA) squadrons

    • Development of Light Combat Aircraft ‘Tejas’ by HAL accelerated, at least six squadrons are projected

    • 3 Mirage (Vajra) squadrons being upgraded

    • Therefore, Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (Rafale): 2 squadrons or 36 fighters to be with IAF by 2020, 4 to 5 more squadrons subsequently. Can perform both ground attack and interception functions. Lighter than Sukhoi.

    • 6 Jaguar (Shamsher) squadrons to be upgraded

    • MiG-29 (Baaz) 68 being upgraded

    • Plane mounted radars - AWACS - to boost potency
                       

                           Voices For, Against






     
    One car cannot run on two roads... this is a much better deal... the cost per jet would now be cheaper. Buying 126 (fighters) would cost India about
    Rs 1 lakh crore. Can we spend so much money on a high-end fighter? - Manohar Parrikar, Defence Minister











    When my PIL is ready on Rafale, I will send it in a sealed cover to the party president for sanction to prosecute...  Rafale is a less fuel efficient aircraft and lacks essential performance characteristics - Subramanian Swamy, Bjp leader












    The life cycle maintenance calculations for the 126-plane tender are wrong. Favouritism has been shown to Rafale -  Yashwant Sinha, BJP leader, in a letter to then defence minister AK ANTONY 














    There are irregularities in the evaluation process and the entire matter should be probed. Why has Rafale, not bought by any other country, been chosen for the Indian Air Force? Its performance in the recent air campaign in Libya was poor and the Rafale failed in precision bombing - MV Mysoora Reddy, then MP, in another letter to Antony





     "Rafale are not poor quality, but India will have to pay an arm and a leg for it at over $200 million per unit cost. The more advanced Su-30, with full ordnance load, comes in at less than half the price - Bharat Karnad, centre for policy research"





                          INDIAN AIRFORCE
    FIGHTERS' FLEET STRENGTH  APR 2015 





    Indian air force fighters’ fleet strength - 221 AC 
    Sukhoi-30 MKI
    The jewel in the crown. A heavy, all-weather long-range air
    superiority fighter.




     






      Indian air force fighters’ fleet strength -69 AC
    MiG-29

     Air superiority with secondary ground-to-air capability




        

      Indian air force fighters’ fleet strength -85AC  MiG-27
    Like the Jaguar, a ground attack fighter







      Indian air force fighters’ fleet strength -115 AC Jaguar
     An Anglo-French product, it is a potent fighter-bomber






       Indian air force fighters’ fleet strength - 51 AC
     
    Mirage 2000
    Multi-role combat: Air-to-ground bombing and air-to-air firing
    abilities. Proved valuable during the Kargil








     Indian air force fighters’ fleet strength -215 AC MiG-21
    Lightweight fighter with exceptional interception ability and has short range and endurance




    India

    Rafale Decoded: Expert View on What the Aircraft Offers

    true
    View of the assembly line of the Rafale jet fighter, in the factory of French aircraft manufacturer Dassault Aviation, in Merignac near Bordeaux, southwestern France. (Photo: Reuters)
    The ‘mother of all deals’ seems to be coming full circle – only that the circle has been drawn with an unsteady hand. After a well publicised, absolutely professionally executed evaluation of six top fighter aircraft of the world, the IAF shortlisted the Eurofighter and Rafale to meet its operational requirements of a Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA); in the event, the Rafale was declared a winner in 2012 due to its lower commercial quote.
    The past three years have seen torturous negotiations reaching a logjam – as Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar stated in an interview to Doordarshan on 13 April – forcing the government to go the Government to Government (G2G) route for the Rafale.
    In a way though, the action has just begun as the negotiations on this new route are not going to be any easier. The aircraft will come in cheaper due to the fact that there would be no transfer of technology involved and that the HAL workforce is costlier due to its inefficiency. They would also be delivered within an earlier time frame as the Marcel Dassault facilities are up and running in France.
    So, what is this aircraft that has raised so much heat and dust in the past few years? It is worth taking a look at the Rafale’s operational specifics – in simple non-technical terms.
    - The Rafale is twin-engined, with French company SNECMA’s M-88 2 engine powering it.
    - The nose of the Rafale houses the latest generation Active Electronically Scanned Array (AESA) radar.
    - It is a single pilot machine with a full glass cockpit – operational on the Hands on Throttle and Stick (HOTAS) concept. HOTAS means that all vital actions are executed by the pilot through switches, buttons and toggles on the pilot’s stick and throttle control. A two-seat trainer would also be included in the contract.
    - The pilot has the advantage of a wide holographic Head-up Display (HUD) that displays vital flight parameters as well as weapon delivery cues in front of the pilot. The HUD enables the pilot to maintain a lookout in critical stages of flight.
    - SPECTRA, the Electronic Support Measures (ESM) equipment that the Rafale carries, is a potent device to protect the aircraft in a hostile air defence environment that is prevalent in our neighbourhood.
    - The aircraft has the capability to carry and fire a multitude of ordnance in terms of Beyond Visual Range (BVR) missiles and bombs, besides an integral 30 mm nose mounted cannon. BVR capability is vital as the pilot acquires an enemy aircraft on his radar and fires a BVR missile – before turning back in a safe direction to ensure separation from the adversary.
    - The aircraft can be configured for carriage of nuclear weapons and would get included in the airborne part of the nuclear triad.
    - The aircraft is maintenance-friendly, implying that the turn round time between two sorties is short and that important activities, like an engine change do not keep the aircraft non-operational for too long.
    - With India on its way to net centricity and more Airborne Warning and Control Systems (AWACS) coming in, the Rafale would be an important cog in the wheel with its data linking capability.
    The Rafale has been evaluated by a crack flight testing team from the IAF’s Aircraft and Systems Testing Establishment – there is no one better than them in the business. Our countrymen and women can rest assured that the tax payer’s money would be well spent on an aircraft that meets the needs of the nation.


    (The author, a retired Air Vice Marshal, is a Distinguished Fellow at the Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi).

     
          
    All Comments
     
    So apart from the AESA radar is there anything that sets this machine truly apart from the other modern fighters (even they might be sporting AESA). Even the Su 30MKI and the much maligned Tejas would check a lot of these boxes.