Monday, August 3, 2015

OROP A NUCLEAR BOMB RADIO ACTIVE FALLOUT : POLITICIZING THE MILITARY; A STRATEGIC BLUNDER BY THE STATE








POLITICIZING THE MILITARY;

A STRATEGIC BLUNDER BY THE STATE
                                   BY
              Admiral Arun Prakash (Retd)

 
India’s Armed Forces, apart from their role of safeguarding the nation, provide a bright strand in the national fabric, which represents the ideals of integrity, discipline, secularism and professional excellence. Since independence, they have embodied a proud pan-Indian martial tradition, which promotes a sense of national unity and cohesion. Above all, in a region full of praetorian militaries, the Indian armed forces have remained a steadfast pillar of democracy and are - so far- untainted by political ambition. 


Like those who take up government service or political office, the Serviceman, too, swears an oath to the Constitution of India. But unlike his civilian counterparts, the soldier has an ‘unlimited liability’ in defence of the nation’s interests and his oath of allegiance includes this passage:  “I will observe and obey all commands of the President of India …..even to the peril of my life.” It is for this reason that the soldier deserves a special place in society.


However, this year’s Kargil Vijay Diwas, meant to celebrate the victory of Indian arms over Pakistani intruders on our soil and to honour those who fell in battle, left a bitter taste in every soldier’s mouth. While politicians paid saccharine tributes to our fallen Kargil heroes, veteran soldiers – many in their 80s - were into the fifth week of a public agitation, asking the NDA government to redeem its promise of granting ‘one rank one pension’ or OROP. 


Forcing the Veterans to take to the streets was a grave mistake. But it has been compounded by the insensitivity and malfeasance of the MoD bureaucracy, which has driven a disciplined and politically-neutral segment of India’s society into the maw of party-politics. 


Dismayed by the traditionally disdainful attitude of the Congress towards India’s military, as the 2014 elections approached, the Veterans allowed themselves to be lured by the siren-call of the BJP’s putative nationalism. Jumping on the party’s victorious bandwagon seemed like a sure way of getting their demands met.  The post-election allocation of cabinet portfolios to recently retired military officers – a move of questionable wisdom – seemed to be a deal-clincher. A year later, however, the sadly disillusioned Veterans are now fishing around for other political options. 


Once he doffs his uniform, a Veteran is, technically, liberated from the restraints of military discipline, and is free to adopt the demeanor of any civilian on the street. But deep inside, his soul cringes at the very thought of conducting himself in a manner which would have brought disrepute to his uniform, unit or Service. Agitating, squatting on footpaths and undertaking fasts/dharnas are activities he instinctively associates with ‘trade-unionism’; antithesis of military discipline and fortitude, a creed he has followed for a lifetime.

  He harbours a similar distaste for political horse-trading.

However, he has been driven to all this by dissembling and prevarication on the OROP issue by successive governments. 
It seems incredible that none of the wise-heads amongst India’s political leadership has taken cognizance of two stark realities.

Firstly; that Veterans retain a strong ‘umbilical connection’ with serving personnel, because the two constitute an extended family. Whatever happens at Jantar Mantar filters back to the men in uniform, almost instantly, through social media.

Secondly; anything that humiliates the Veteran, also hurts the self-esteem of the soldier, because he knows, he is tomorrow’s Veteran. 



And yet, in a seemingly inexplicable and self-destructive continuum, the Indian state appears to have, deliberately, proceeded to downgrade and demoralize its own armed forces and Veterans.


This insidious process, underway since independence, has been orchestrated by the bureaucracy and it is now clear that successive pay commissions have been utilised, by them, as the instrumentality to erode the financial and protocol status of the military while bolstering their own. 


While it may give satisfaction to the petty mandarins of MoD or Finance Ministry to show the military ‘who is the real boss’, the political leadership should have the perspicacity to realize that;

 (a) soldiers – and Veterans – are emblematic of a nation’s pride and honour and must be protected from such assaults from within the system, and

(b) demoralization in the rank and file of the armed forces can benefit only the nation’s enemies.


It is a great pity that from 2008 onwards, no political leader has shown the good sense and vision to reach out and ensure that veteran soldiers did not have to take to the streets or seek political support for their causes. This could have been easily achieved, by the simple expedients of creating grievance redressal mechanisms and by establishing direct lines of communication with the Veterans.


 By egregious neglect and inaction, the Indian state has helped destroy,  the ‘apolitical’ ethos that our military and nation have been so proud of; with unforeseeable consequences.  


Irresponsible and hot-headed Veteran voices are being heard, on social media; some demanding that the three Service Chiefs should offer their resignations over the OROP issue. Worse suggestions may follow. 


Even at this late hour, a spark of wisdom, sagacity and empathy for our soldiers can pull us back from the precipice. Recognition of the extra demands of military service and the sacrifices made in fulfilling them, articulated at the apex political level, would justify a quid-pro-quo for cessation of their agitation and participation in politics by the Veterans. 























 

Sunday, August 2, 2015

WW - II KOHIMA :1,000 MILE MARCHES & A BATTLE ACROSS A TENNIS COURT

SOURCE:


             1,000  MILE MARCHES 
                                     &
A BATTLE ACROSS A TENNIS COURT  
 
 
 
 
News story

VJ Day 70: The Second World War in Burma

To commemorate the 70th anniversary of Victory over Japan Day (VJ Day), Dr Peter Johnston, the Collections Content Manager at the National Army Museum, explores the Burma campaign that helped to deliver victory for Britain and her allies in the Second World War.







‘If mankind is lucky, it may be that the end of the Burma campaign was the last great battle in the last great war; and even if it wasn’t, it may still be worth remembering from an ordinary foot-soldier’s point of view.’ - George MacDonald Fraser, author and veteran of Burma
 
 
Burma was a part of the British Empire during the Second World War, so when Japan invaded Burma in January 1942, the British and Commonwealth troops who had been driven out of the area began the struggle to reclaim it.


The fighting lasted until July 1945, and British Forces - made up mostly by the British Indian Army, Gurkhas and divisions raised in Africa - experienced incredible hardship, stirring leadership, tactical innovation and inspiring bravery.


Retreat

The Japanese captured Rangoon, the capital of Burma, in March 1942 and began to drive the British out of the country. To avoid being surrounded by enemy Forces, the British began to retreat up the Irrawaddy and Sittang valleys in appalling conditions – including crossing difficult terrain, and in the worst dry and hot weather of the year - and determined enemy forces.

On 15 May 1942, just after the monsoon broke, defeated British Forces finally retreated all the way across the Indian border. It was the longest retreat in British history, covering a distance of 1,000 miles – like walking from Birmingham to Rome.

Stalemate

After their retreat, British Forces in India immediately started forming plans to recapture Burma, though the next year saw very little progress.

In the early months of 1943, the 77th Indian Infantry Brigade under Brigadier Orde Wingate began Operation Longcloth, driving far behind Japanese lines into the heart of Burma.

RAF signalers attached to the Chindit operations behind Japanese lines in Burma, 1943
RAF signalers attached to the Chindit operations behind Japanese lines in Burma, 1943

The 3,000 man brigade, nicknamed ‘the Chindits’, included British Army and Gurkha regiments and eight RAF sections and signalers. They sabotaged railway lines to limit the movement of the Japanese, and encouraged Burmese resistance groups. However, they suffered heavy casualties. 818 men were killed, wounded or missing – 27 per cent of the original force.


Despite their limited results, the Chindits had shown the Japanese were not invincible in the jungle. The British public was inspired by their mission and their operation raised morale among other British troops.

Advance to Victory

‘I have been kicked by this enemy in the place where it hurts, and all the way from Rangoon to India where I had to dust off my pants. Now, gentlemen, we are kicking our Japanese neighbours back to Rangoon.’ - Lieutenant General William Slim to the 11th East African Division, Palel Plain, 1944
Lieutenant General William Slim
Lieutenant General William Slim
In late 1943, the British created the 14th Army to take over offensive operations against the Japanese under the command of Lieutenant General William Slim.

 
In March 1944, the Japanese launched an attack on British bases behind the Indian Border in Imphal and Kohima. These battles saw some of the worst fighting of the Second World War.


At the same time, a second Chindit expedition began, the second-largest airborne invasion of the Second World War with 20,000 British and Commonwealth soldiers and air support provided by the 1st Air Commando, United States Army Air Force.



At the Indian base of Kohima, 2,500 British-Indian troops defended Garrison Hill against 15,000 Japanese. In one area, only the width of the District Commissioner Charles Pawsey’s tennis court separated the two sides. When relief forces arrived, the British defensive lines were reduced to a shell-shattered area of only 350 square metres.


Indian and Gurkha soldiers inspect captured Japanese ordnance during the Imphal-Kohima battle, 1944 (Copyright NAM)
Indian and Gurkha soldiers inspect captured Japanese ordnance during the Imphal-Kohima battle, 1944 (Copyright NAM)


The resolute defence by British and Indian forces, and the monsoon, defeated the Japanese. They had now been broken by multiple battles, and after fierce fighting, central Burmese cities Meiktila and Mandalay were captured in March 1945. This was the decisive battle that effectively ended Japanese hopes of holding Burma.

 
The route south to coastal city Rangoon was now open, and it was a race between the 14th Army and the start of the monsoon. Lieutenant General Slim requested support from the Royal Navy, who redeployed from nearby areas, resulting in a combined air and seaborne victory on 4 May.


Burma was a phenomenal victory in the most difficult of circumstances, and was as much a victory over climate and geography as the enemy. It was a victory won through the courage and endurance of troops drawn from across the British Commonwealth, and the superb generalship of Slim.



 While history has often referred to the Burma campaign as the “forgotten war”, it is clear there is an enormous amount worthy of remembrance.


National Army Museum

The National Army Museum is currently closed for a major redevelopment project, called Building for the Future. Funded by the Heritage Lottery Fund, this £23million project will transform the Museums offer creating five new galleries and offering state of the art facilities. During this closure period, the Museum continues to offer a range of events and activities to get involved in. Find out more at www.nam.ac.uk.

























 

Do You Know Who I am?

SOURCE:







                         Do You Know Who I am?

   

   
This happened at a New York Airport. This is hilarious.


I wish I had the guts of this girl.
    An award should go to the United Airlines gate agent in New York for being smart and funny, while making her point, when confronted with a passenger who probably deserved to fly as cargo.


    For all of you out there who have had to deal with an irate customer, this one is for you.  

    A crowded United Airlines flight was cancelled.


    A single agent was rebooking a long line of inconvenienced travelers.


    Suddenly, an angry passenger pushed his way to the desk. He slapped his ticket on the counter and said,

    "I HAVE to be on this flight and it has to be FIRST CLASS."  

    The agent replied, "I'm sorry, sir. I'll be happy to try to help you but I've got to help these folks first; and then I'm sure we'll be able to work something out."  

    The passenger was unimpressed.


    He asked loudly so that the passengers behind him could hear,


    "DO YOU HAVE ANY IDEA WHO I AM?"  

    Without hesitating, the agent smiled and grabbed her public address microphone.

    "May I have your attention, please?", she began, her voice heard clearly throughout the terminal..  

    "We have a passenger here at Gate 14 WHO DOES NOT KNOW WHO HE IS. If anyone can help him with his identity, please come to Gate 14."



With the folks behind him in line laughing hysterically, the man glared at the United Airlines agent, gritted his teeth, and said

F*** You!"   
 
Without flinching, she smiled and said, "I'm sorry sir, you'll have to get in line for that, too."



















 

Saturday, August 1, 2015

MARITIME : Maldives: Land Ownership Bill, New Cause For Indian Concern – Analysis

SOURCE:
http://www.eurasiareview.com/31072015-maldives-land-ownership-bill-new-cause-for-indian-concern-analysis/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+eurasiareview%2FVsnE+%28Eurasia+Review%29












Location of Maldives. Source: CIA World Factbook.
Location of Maldives. Source: CIA World Factbook



Maldives: Land Ownership Bill, New Cause For Indian Concern – Analysis

                                     By

                  N. Sathiya Moorthy*

By
Friday, July 31st, 2015

For a tiny Indian Ocean nation priding itself as the only one in the South Asian neighbourhood not to have been colonised by European powers, Maldives now has a fast-tracked constitutional amendment conferring land ownership on big-time foreign investors becoming an overnight cause for additional concern.


The constitutional amendment, only the second for the 2008 ‘democracy statute’ was passed by an overwhelming 70 members in the 85-seat People’s Majlis, or Parliament, voting in favour, just a day after the ruling Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM) of President Abdulla Yameen had moved the Bill in this regard.

The constitutional amendment came on the eve of the Golden Jubilee celebrations of Independence, falling on July 26.


Apart from 54 MPs belonging to the Progressive Party of Maldives (PPM)-led coalition, of which the Maldivian Democratic Alliance (MDA) party is a partner, a total of 19 opposition members, comprising 10 from the main opposition Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) and nine of the Jumhooree Party (JP), also voted for the bill.


While 14 MDP parliamentarians, including ranking members like group leader Ibrahim ‘Ibu’ Solih, Mariya Didi and Eva Abdulla, voted against the bill, the lone member of the religious-centric Adhaalath Party (AP) under-scored the shortage of time available for any meaningful debate. Among the notable supporters for the amendment was former Speaker, Abdulla Shahid, now in the MDP, whose strong views on ‘sovereignty’ issues are otherwise well known. JP’s businessman-founder, Gasim Ibrahim, since coming out of increased government pressure on imminent repayment of $90 million in revenue dues, expectedly backed the bill, claiming that it would bring in a lot of benefits in an ‘inter-linked world’.


That the opposition was divided over the vote and could have been on the verge of a break-up became clear when the MDP in particular and the JP, desisted from issuing a whip for the vote. This contrasts with the more recent practice of the MDP issuing a three-line whip for party MPs to vote with the Government on the equally controversial First Amendment only days earlier, pertaining to the law on the impeachment of Vice-President Mohammed Jameel Ahmed.


The MDP and the JP also voted on the impeachment motion subsequently, which again was fast-tracked. However, unlike the surprise element attending on the new land law, rumours about Vice-President Jameel’s impeachment and his replacement by Tourism Minister Ahmed Adeeb had been doing the rounds for weeks now. Adeeb has since been sworn in, after parliament passed another motion in between, fixing a time-limit for debating his nomination, when made.

Gayoom Seeks Referendum

In a none-too-unexpected move, former president Gayoom, half-brother of President Yameen and founder-president of the ruling PPM, wrote to the latter and also tweeted ahead of the parliamentary vote, asking him to consider the public concern before giving his assent to the controversial law. While Yameen did not react to Gayoom’s suggestion – conveyed through a personal letter to the president, and also with the people through a tweet – a government spokesman clarified that it was the former’s decision, and it stood.


According to the Minivan News, Gayoom urged President Yameen to “hold a public referendum on the issue, noting the amendments were proposed without public debate. He also stated that previous governments did not sell any part of Maldivian territory to prevent foreign influence over the country’s independence, sovereignty, and resources”.


Incidentally, this is possibly for the first time that President Gayoom has come out in the open on an issue of controversy and concern to the nation as a whole. Only days earlier, he had denied rumours over differences with President Yameen on the decision to impeach Vice-President Jameel and also on the latter’s choice for replacement. At the time, Gayoom tweeted that the president should have freedom to choose a vice-president of his choice.


Though Gayoom was not more specific on what he thought was the cause for public concern over the current law, PPM members – all of whom taking a pro-government line — in Parliament confined mostly to putting his argument on its head, and submitting that despite 80-90 per cent of the 112 luxury resorts in the country being foreign-owned, there had been no such problem. Majority leader Ahmed Nihan assured the public that the ruling party would not compromise Islam or Maldivian traditions and sovereignty.

Nihan, the Minivan News reported, “stressed that the amendments only apply to newly-reclaimed land and that the government was not planning to sell existing natural islands or reclaimed land”. However, it remains to be seen how far would such promises hold, considering that China is also funding the prestigious Male-Hulumale sea-bridge project and a host of others, and President Yameen had already said that almost all Maldivians could be housed in Hulumale island, in the Maldivian suburb.


GMR Deal

Coming as it does on the footsteps of the earlier SEZ law, passed with equal force by the PPM-combine controlled parliament, the new land law confers ownership with transfer rights on foreign investors putting in a minimum of $1 billion on the purchase of land, of which 70 per cent should have also been reclaimed from the sea. This by itself should be a surprise in a nation, where the ownership of most, if not all lands rests in the state.


Suffice is to point out that in the case of Maldives, one of the strong arguments against the by-now-aborted ‘GMR deal’ with the Indian infrastructure major was that the contract put the possession, though not ownership, of the nation’s only international airport, with facilities for the possible landing of large air force transporters and the like, in the hands of a ‘foreign entity’. What went unmentioned in the process was the successful landing of wide-bodied, Indian Air Force (IAF) aircraft with armed personnel, at the height of the ‘Operation Cactus’ rescue operation, after mercenaries laid siege to the Maldivian capital of Male, in 1988, when president Gayoom was in power.


It is not unlikely that the current amendment is aimed at making FDI under the SEZ law more attractive than already. Months after the Yameen government, including then tourism minister Adeeb, now Vice-President, heading the SEZ clearance panel, had promised imminent big time investments, nothing much seems to be in the pipeline. It may have more to do with the inherent inadequacies of the Maldivian economy, where geography and demography have conspired against the nation having a strong manufacturing base.


It is anybody’s guess how and why the nation has not followed up on the currently felt limitations of resort tourism with a big time entry into the financial sector, like Singapore and Dubai, both not far away, but should be focussing on what seems to be non-financial services sector, if not outright manufacturing, for which, land, water, electricity and transportation and labour costs would all prove uneconomical. It is another matter that Maldives has yet to take labour law reforms, as prescribed under international codes, seriously and the state and status of low-end migrant labour continues to be appalling.
 


Chinese Military Base

According to local media reports, MPs opposed to the new law “expressed concern over possible Chinese military expansion in the Maldives, and the lack of time to review the amendments”. As they pointed out, the bill was pushed through parliament in such haste that the House committee evaluated the contents the day it was presented and cleared it instantly, for full House vote the very next day.


The critics may have a point. Not very long ago, the Maldivian government leased out an island in the Laamu Atoll to a Chinese player, for the development of a tourist resort for near-exclusive use by the large number of budget travellers from that country. Expanding the international practice of donor/creditor nations converting part of the aid into originating goods and services, Chinese investors, as has been the norm, also import infrastructure and casual labour from that country. This has ensured greater exclusivity in terms at project sites, with host nations at times feeling extremely uncomfortable about their real purpose and presence.


Speaking during the final debate on the amendment, Minivan News quoted MDP parliamentarian Eva Abdulla as saying that a Chinese Yuan class 335 submarine has passed through Maldivian waters and docked at the Karachi port on May 22, adding that Indian media called it “China’s deadliest attack submarine”. MP Eva has already submitted a demand for summoning Defence Minister, Maj Gen Moosa Ali Jaleel (retd) to the House, for seeking an explanation on the Chinese naval presence of the kind in Maldivian territorial waters.


Maldivian foreign and domestic policies should be based on ensuring Indian Ocean regional security as “Maldives is not in the South China Sea”, she said. Maldives is a “front line state” in the new Cold War and should not be a catalyst for conflict, Minivan News quoted the MP as saying further. The MDP as a “centre-right party” supports free market policies and the principle of private land ownership, but could not support “selling land for China to build military bases” in the country, Eva Abdulla added.


According to Minivan News, ruling PPM parliamentarian Ali Arif conceded that the Maldives as a small nation is always vulnerable to influence from powerful nations. He said the House committee addressed the concerns over sovereignty during its review process and added a clause to the bill stating that the Maldivian state will exercise complete authority over the territory designated for projects.


Be it as it may, it is anybody’s guess how a nation in near-eternal debt to its international creditors and successive political leaderships lacking the will to plug deliberate and organised leakage of government revenue and forex earnings could ever bring itself around to challenge foreign investors, state or non-state actors, on ‘sovereignty’ issues or ‘transfer rights’, if it were to be accompanied by instant repayment of massive dues, as is the case in the GMR arbitration case.


Larger Issues

China was known to have proposed a massive atoll-centric tourism facility for its budget travellers when MDP’s jailed president Mohammed Nasheed was in office. At the time, too, security concerns came to be expressed, given the possibilities and also the inevitability of such an exercise forcing Maldives into a geo-strategic situation where it would have little choice or say. The reference was possibly also to the US military base in Diego Garcia, not very far away, whose 50-year lease would come up for review and renewal in 2016.


The concerns of the larger Indian neighbour in this context should come not only from the increasing presence of adversarial China, whose controversial and at times suspicious ‘Maritime Silk Route’ (MSR) has attracted smaller neighbours like Maldives and Sri Lanka, for reasons that do not always justify the decision. India was equally perturbed when the US, near-unilaterally approached the government of then Maldivian president, Mohammed Waheed Hassan Manik, for upgrading the existing ACSA (Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement) to SOFA (Status of Forces Agreement), providing for US military personnel on foreign territory to carry weapons and be governed by American, and not local laws.


Any excessive presence of Chinese or other nationals in the Indian Ocean neighbourhood, especially of particular nations, could only add to the concerns of India, which is not known to have drafted any cohesive, comprehensive and decisive approach to handle situations of the kind. This time round, there is more credible information about increasing Chinese presence and interest in Maldives than during the days of president Gayoom, when unsubstantiated rumours – at times manufactured with an intent and motive – made ill-informed sections of the Indian strategic community, dizzy.


More importantly, the Indian policy maker and political leadership may need to confer greater and continuous attention to the immediate neighbourhood than already – including the imaginative initiative of Prime Minister Narendra Modi inviting all neighbourhood Heads of Government for his inauguration, and following it up with whistle-stop visits to most of their capitals. Maldives was excluded from PM Modi’s three-nation Indian Ocean neighbourhood tour, which covered Seychelles, Mauritius and Sri Lanka, thanks to the evolving, explosive situation nearer home, followed the arrest and trial of former president Nasheed in the ‘Judge Abdulla abduction case’.


*N. Sathiya Moorthy is Director, Chennai Chapter of the Observer Research Foundation. He can be reached at sathiyam54@gmail.com

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South Asia Monitor

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