Saturday, December 15, 2018

SOURCE:
https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/india/mrf-rafale.htm





Rafale Multi-Role Fighter

India's cabinet committee on security on 21 September 2016 approved the purchase of 36 fighter jets from France's Dassault. "The deal was approved at the meeting in the evening. It will now be formally signed by Indian and French defence ministers on September 23 in New Delhi," an unnamed Indian defence ministry official told AFP. The official said that other details including the exact amount and formalities "will become clear after the signing event".
India and France signed a Defense Cooperation Agreement during Chirac's 19-21 February 2006 visit to India that would pave the way for more joint exercises and training operations between the two countries in addition to promoting defense industry cooperation. A sale of Rafale aircraft was discussed, but there two major areas of concern regarding the potential sale of the French aircraft to India were technology transfer and cost. The Rafale aircraft was much more sophisticated than its predecessor, the Mirage, and "sensitive" discussions took place over technology transfer issues. The second area of concern was price; the Rafale would cost significantly more than the Mirage, and the French had to justify the higher price tag. Until recently the Mirage was being considered for purchase until the manufacturer, Dassault Aviation, informed the Indian Government of its decision to stop making the jet.
The Indian Air Force (IAF)was slated to receive capital outlay funds for buying major equipment, including the Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA). The IAF urgently needs new aircraft to replace its ageing Soviet-MiG series of fighters. The US Boeing F/A-18 Super Hornet, the Lockheed Martin F-16, the Russian MiG-35, the Swedish Gripen, the French Rafale, and the Eurofighter Typhoon manufactured by a consortium of German, British, Spanish and Italian companies are the six aircrafts vying for the MMRCA order.
During Prime Minister Singh’s visit to France for the Bastille Day parade in July 2009, both leaders pledged to increase defense cooperation, and Singh characterized the relationship as “a close and wide ranging strategic partnership”.
It was reported on 31 January 2012, that India had selected the Dassault Rafale fighter jet as the winner of its MMRCA competition. The Dassault entrant had been selected over the Eurofighter Typhoon. It was reported that Dassault had been the lower of the 2 bidders, with the deal being estimated to be worth $11 billion. Under the deal, 18 Rafales were to be delivered ready-made, while 108 more would be built in India. Further negotiations were expected to take place before India finalized the agreement.
On 10 April 2015, Indian Prime Minister Nradendra Modi announced, while on a state visit to France, that India would purchase 36 Rafale fighter jet aircraft. All 36 aircraft would be built in France; an increase from the original agreement's 18. Overall, the announcement still marked a decrease from the initial 126 Rafale that were to be sold. Though this development initially left unresolved the fate of the initial deal's remaining 90 aircraft, India announced in late May 2015, that due to their high cost, it would not pursue the purchase of additional Rafale aircraft. Indian Defense Minister Manohar Parrikar was quoted as saying that the government's original plan to purchase 126 aircraft from the French arms maker Dassault was 'economically unviable and not required.'
It was reported on 31 January 2012, that India had selected the Dassault Rafale fighter jet as the winner of its MMRCA competition. The Dassault entrant had been selected over the Eurofighter Typhoon. It was reported that Dassault had been the lower of the 2 bidders, with the deal being estimated to be worth $11 billion. Under the deal, 18 Rafales were to be delivered ready-made, while 108 more would be built in India. Further negotiations were expected to take place before India finalized the agreement.
Once Dassault Rafale and Eurofighter Typhoon were shortlisted, the Ministry of Defence then took over the price negotiations, with Eurofighter submitting what sources said was a bid weighing kilos, while the French company put in a slim proposal. As is the procedure, both bids came with sealed envelopes carrying the price, and Dassault finally got the contract from the Ministry of Defence, as the lowest bidder.
India did not actually award this contract. Rather, they determined who was assessed as making the lowest bid and therefore asked to enter into further negotiations. But both BAE Systems and government body UK Trade and Investment [UKTI] have publicly stated that the Eurofighter Typhoon has not yet been ruled out for India. On 07 February 2012 it was reported that Eurofighter partners in the UK, Spain, Italy and Germany were to consider 'all options', including a potential price cut, in order to win India's multi-role fighter contract (MRCA). Price cuts were being considered, and BAE argued that Typhoon would be newer, more versatile and easier to modernise than the French aircraft.
By one account, the negotiations by the MoD eventually disclosed that the French company had projected a totally false figure, leaving what it called 50 "miscellaneous" items out of the quoted price. The cost of these when added on escalated the bid dramatically from the initial $9 billion to what was later bandied about (inclusive of inflationary costs) at $22 billion. The negotiations thus hit a rocky patch, and continued for three years since 2012 without a breakthrough
By early 2012 State-run Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) was preparing to progressively manufacture the Dassault Rafale combat jet that has apparently been chosen by the Indian Air Force (IAF) for its $10.4 billion order for 126 planes. The first 18 aircraft would come in fly-away condition, within three years of signing of the contract and meanwhile, HAL would get the production tooling, expertise and technical know-how under transfer of technology from the French. The remaining 108 aircraft would initially be progressively manufactured from SKD (semi-knocked-down) and CKD (completely knocked-down) kits. Gradually, HAL would start producing the fuselage and other parts from the raw materials. Dassault engineers would assist in technology transfer and production plants.
India insisted that Dassault take full responsibility for the aircraft produced at Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd. plant in Bengaluru. Negotiations had been deadlocked for over a year on this point. France said it cannot give guarantees for production of the aircraft made at a facility over which it has no administrative or expert control. The Indian government would decide on the Rafale deal only after the ministry's contract negotiations committee submitted its report in early March 2015.
Under a new proposal in March 2015, Dassault would not be liable for penalties if Hindustan Aeronautics failed to deliver the planes on time. The deal was initially worth $12 billion but was widely estimated to have jumped to $20 billion, primarily because of the implications of building some of the jets in India. Under terms of the contract, 18 of the planes will be sold ready-to-fly while the rest will be assembled at an Indian state-run facility.
On 10 April 2015 France's Le Monde newspaper reported that India was aiming to buy 63 Rafale jets for $7.7 billion. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said on 10 April 2015 during a visit to Paris that India will buy 36 French-made Rafale fighter jets to boost the country’s defense capabilities. "I have asked President [Francois Hollande] to supply 36 ready-to-fly Rafale jets to India," Modi told a media conference. "Our civil servants will discuss (terms and conditions) in more detail and continue the negotiations," he added. However, according to a Reuters’ source in the French Defense Ministry this agreement comes separate from a larger 126-plane deal estimated at about $20 billion which the two countries have been negotiating for three years.
The deal, another boost for French manufacturer Dassault Aviation after it sealed its long-awaited first export deal to Egypt in February, could be worth about 4 billion euros. President Hollande said Defence Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian would travel to India soon to finalise the deal.
India and France had already been in exclusive negotiations for three years. The value of a larger 126-plane deal being negotiated is estimated to have grown to about $20 billion from an initial $12 billion, primarily because of an Indian requirement that 108 of the jets be built in the country.
A French defence ministry source said the deal was separate from the original negotiations and came about after new Indian Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar indicated the country’s urgent requirements. “We informed them we were ready to respond to their operational needs separate from the tender under discussion for three years,” the source said. India’s military has said it needs to start replacing its ageing jet fleet from 2017.
Details of the deal struck between PM Modi and French President Francois Hollande in this government to government deal remained shadowy to say the least. Little concrete information had come from the government, in on or off the record briefings, to clarify the contours of the agreement except for the fact that the Request for Proposal that gave the contract for the 126 fighter jets had probably been scrapped. But there is no answer as to what, if anything else, had been or was being negotiated.
An advance aircraft such as Rafale can be produced in India after Transfer of Technology (ToT) by the Original Aircraft Manufacturer. As per the India-France Joint Statement issued by the two countries during the Prime Minister’s visit to France, Government of India conveyed to the Government of France that in view of the critical operational necessity for Multirole Combat Aircraft for Indian Air Force (IAF), Government of India would like to acquire 36 Rafale jets in fly-away condition as quickly as possible. The two leaders agreed to conclude an Inter-Governmental Agreement for supply of the aircraft on terms that would be better than conveyed by Dassault Aviation as part of a separate process underway, the delivery would be in time-frame that would be compatible with the operational requirement of IAF; and that the aircraft and associated systems and weapons would be delivered on the same configuration as had been tested and approved by IAF, and with a longer maintenance responsibility by France. This information was given by Defence Minister Shri Manohar Parrikar in a written reply to Shri Ravi Prakash Verma in Rajya Sabh on 05 May 2015.
The French side agreed to reinvest in the Indian economy 50 percent worth of the contract on the delivery of French-built Rafale fighters for Indian Air Force, the Indian Ministry of Defense said 18 December 2015. "Keeping the dwindling effective squadrons strength in view, the Indian Air Force has undertaken a massive upgrade programme of its fighter and transport Aircraft. To give thrust to this programme it has immediately gone for procurement of 36 Rafale Aircraft on government to government sell which includes 50% offsets that will help our medium and small scale industries in the aviation sector," the statement read.
Bharat Karnad, former member, India's National Security Council, confirmed in May 2016 the corruption in the scrapped AgustWestland helicopter deal and the obstinate position of both sides over the cost of the deal are threatening to send the protracted negotiations into cold storage forever. "The AgustaWestland corruption scandal has pretty much sunk the Rafale deal for fear that France's cultivation of interested parties over the past decade could end up tarring the ruling BJP regime in some way, considering a lot of the Indian Air Force brass and Ministry of Defense officials spanning the NDA and UPA governments may be implicated in any future investigation and who, in turn, may drag the relatively clean reputation of Narendra Modi & Co. through the mud."
India's Defense Minister Parrikar statement in Parliament said: "We are trying our best to save money. If we purchase the required 36 Rafale, we will buy them at a price that's below the cost that was estimated when we were negotiating for 126 Rafale."
Based on the original cost for 126 Rafale agreed in the earlier negotiations, 36 Rafale would cost no more than 5 billion Euro. However, France quoted 7.5 billion euro for the 36 Rafale in April this year — a proposition India is reluctant to accept. Meanwhile, sources close to the French negotiating team suggest that the price offered by India is not acceptable to the Dassault Aviation, which already has a full order-book. As per a 2015 deal, the manufacturer has agreed to sell 24 Rafale to Egypt at a cost of 5.2 billion euro. It is also selling 24 Rafale to Qatar and expected Malaysia to place an order soon.
As per the India-France Joint Statement issued by the two countries during the Prime Minister’s visit to France, Government of India conveyed to the Government of France that in view of the critical operational necessity for Multirole Combat Aircraft for Indian Air Force (IAF), Government of India would like to acquire 36 Rafale jets in fly-away condition. Both the sides also agreed to conclude an Inter-Governmental Agreement (IGA) for supply of the aircraft. A Negotiating Team had been constituted to negotiate the terms and conditions of the procurement of 36 Rafale jets and recommend a draft agreement. The Negotiations were underway and IGA & Offset Contract were yet to be finalized. The details including transfer of technology through offsets will emerge after the negotiations are completed. The Rafale aircraft being procured would have advanced features like Advanced Electronically Scanned Array Radar, mid-air refuelling and advanced Electronic Warfare equipment as part of its design. This information was given by Defence Minister Shri Manohar Parrikar in a written reply to Dr. T Subbarami Reddy in Rajya Sabha 19 July 2016.

https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/india/mrf-rafale.htm

Rafale Multi-Role Fighter

India's cabinet committee on security on 21 September 2016 approved the purchase of 36 fighter jets from France's Dassault. "The deal was approved at the meeting in the evening. It will now be formally signed by Indian and French defence ministers on September 23 in New Delhi," an unnamed Indian defence ministry official told AFP. The official said that other details including the exact amount and formalities "will become clear after the signing event".
India and France signed a Defense Cooperation Agreement during Chirac's 19-21 February 2006 visit to India that would pave the way for more joint exercises and training operations between the two countries in addition to promoting defense industry cooperation. A sale of Rafale aircraft was discussed, but there two major areas of concern regarding the potential sale of the French aircraft to India were technology transfer and cost. The Rafale aircraft was much more sophisticated than its predecessor, the Mirage, and "sensitive" discussions took place over technology transfer issues. The second area of concern was price; the Rafale would cost significantly more than the Mirage, and the French had to justify the higher price tag. Until recently the Mirage was being considered for purchase until the manufacturer, Dassault Aviation, informed the Indian Government of its decision to stop making the jet.
The Indian Air Force (IAF)was slated to receive capital outlay funds for buying major equipment, including the Medium Multi-Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA). The IAF urgently needs new aircraft to replace its ageing Soviet-MiG series of fighters. The US Boeing F/A-18 Super Hornet, the Lockheed Martin F-16, the Russian MiG-35, the Swedish Gripen, the French Rafale, and the Eurofighter Typhoon manufactured by a consortium of German, British, Spanish and Italian companies are the six aircrafts vying for the MMRCA order.
During Prime Minister Singh’s visit to France for the Bastille Day parade in July 2009, both leaders pledged to increase defense cooperation, and Singh characterized the relationship as “a close and wide ranging strategic partnership”.
It was reported on 31 January 2012, that India had selected the Dassault Rafale fighter jet as the winner of its MMRCA competition. The Dassault entrant had been selected over the Eurofighter Typhoon. It was reported that Dassault had been the lower of the 2 bidders, with the deal being estimated to be worth $11 billion. Under the deal, 18 Rafales were to be delivered ready-made, while 108 more would be built in India. Further negotiations were expected to take place before India finalized the agreement.
On 10 April 2015, Indian Prime Minister Nradendra Modi announced, while on a state visit to France, that India would purchase 36 Rafale fighter jet aircraft. All 36 aircraft would be built in France; an increase from the original agreement's 18. Overall, the announcement still marked a decrease from the initial 126 Rafale that were to be sold. Though this development initially left unresolved the fate of the initial deal's remaining 90 aircraft, India announced in late May 2015, that due to their high cost, it would not pursue the purchase of additional Rafale aircraft. Indian Defense Minister Manohar Parrikar was quoted as saying that the government's original plan to purchase 126 aircraft from the French arms maker Dassault was 'economically unviable and not required.'
It was reported on 31 January 2012, that India had selected the Dassault Rafale fighter jet as the winner of its MMRCA competition. The Dassault entrant had been selected over the Eurofighter Typhoon. It was reported that Dassault had been the lower of the 2 bidders, with the deal being estimated to be worth $11 billion. Under the deal, 18 Rafales were to be delivered ready-made, while 108 more would be built in India. Further negotiations were expected to take place before India finalized the agreement.
Once Dassault Rafale and Eurofighter Typhoon were shortlisted, the Ministry of Defence then took over the price negotiations, with Eurofighter submitting what sources said was a bid weighing kilos, while the French company put in a slim proposal. As is the procedure, both bids came with sealed envelopes carrying the price, and Dassault finally got the contract from the Ministry of Defence, as the lowest bidder.
India did not actually award this contract. Rather, they determined who was assessed as making the lowest bid and therefore asked to enter into further negotiations. But both BAE Systems and government body UK Trade and Investment [UKTI] have publicly stated that the Eurofighter Typhoon has not yet been ruled out for India. On 07 February 2012 it was reported that Eurofighter partners in the UK, Spain, Italy and Germany were to consider 'all options', including a potential price cut, in order to win India's multi-role fighter contract (MRCA). Price cuts were being considered, and BAE argued that Typhoon would be newer, more versatile and easier to modernise than the French aircraft.
By one account, the negotiations by the MoD eventually disclosed that the French company had projected a totally false figure, leaving what it called 50 "miscellaneous" items out of the quoted price. The cost of these when added on escalated the bid dramatically from the initial $9 billion to what was later bandied about (inclusive of inflationary costs) at $22 billion. The negotiations thus hit a rocky patch, and continued for three years since 2012 without a breakthrough
By early 2012 State-run Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) was preparing to progressively manufacture the Dassault Rafale combat jet that has apparently been chosen by the Indian Air Force (IAF) for its $10.4 billion order for 126 planes. The first 18 aircraft would come in fly-away condition, within three years of signing of the contract and meanwhile, HAL would get the production tooling, expertise and technical know-how under transfer of technology from the French. The remaining 108 aircraft would initially be progressively manufactured from SKD (semi-knocked-down) and CKD (completely knocked-down) kits. Gradually, HAL would start producing the fuselage and other parts from the raw materials. Dassault engineers would assist in technology transfer and production plants.
India insisted that Dassault take full responsibility for the aircraft produced at Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd. plant in Bengaluru. Negotiations had been deadlocked for over a year on this point. France said it cannot give guarantees for production of the aircraft made at a facility over which it has no administrative or expert control. The Indian government would decide on the Rafale deal only after the ministry's contract negotiations committee submitted its report in early March 2015.
Under a new proposal in March 2015, Dassault would not be liable for penalties if Hindustan Aeronautics failed to deliver the planes on time. The deal was initially worth $12 billion but was widely estimated to have jumped to $20 billion, primarily because of the implications of building some of the jets in India. Under terms of the contract, 18 of the planes will be sold ready-to-fly while the rest will be assembled at an Indian state-run facility.
On 10 April 2015 France's Le Monde newspaper reported that India was aiming to buy 63 Rafale jets for $7.7 billion. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said on 10 April 2015 during a visit to Paris that India will buy 36 French-made Rafale fighter jets to boost the country’s defense capabilities. "I have asked President [Francois Hollande] to supply 36 ready-to-fly Rafale jets to India," Modi told a media conference. "Our civil servants will discuss (terms and conditions) in more detail and continue the negotiations," he added. However, according to a Reuters’ source in the French Defense Ministry this agreement comes separate from a larger 126-plane deal estimated at about $20 billion which the two countries have been negotiating for three years.
The deal, another boost for French manufacturer Dassault Aviation after it sealed its long-awaited first export deal to Egypt in February, could be worth about 4 billion euros. President Hollande said Defence Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian would travel to India soon to finalise the deal.
India and France had already been in exclusive negotiations for three years. The value of a larger 126-plane deal being negotiated is estimated to have grown to about $20 billion from an initial $12 billion, primarily because of an Indian requirement that 108 of the jets be built in the country.
A French defence ministry source said the deal was separate from the original negotiations and came about after new Indian Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar indicated the country’s urgent requirements. “We informed them we were ready to respond to their operational needs separate from the tender under discussion for three years,” the source said. India’s military has said it needs to start replacing its ageing jet fleet from 2017.
Details of the deal struck between PM Modi and French President Francois Hollande in this government to government deal remained shadowy to say the least. Little concrete information had come from the government, in on or off the record briefings, to clarify the contours of the agreement except for the fact that the Request for Proposal that gave the contract for the 126 fighter jets had probably been scrapped. But there is no answer as to what, if anything else, had been or was being negotiated.
An advance aircraft such as Rafale can be produced in India after Transfer of Technology (ToT) by the Original Aircraft Manufacturer. As per the India-France Joint Statement issued by the two countries during the Prime Minister’s visit to France, Government of India conveyed to the Government of France that in view of the critical operational necessity for Multirole Combat Aircraft for Indian Air Force (IAF), Government of India would like to acquire 36 Rafale jets in fly-away condition as quickly as possible. The two leaders agreed to conclude an Inter-Governmental Agreement for supply of the aircraft on terms that would be better than conveyed by Dassault Aviation as part of a separate process underway, the delivery would be in time-frame that would be compatible with the operational requirement of IAF; and that the aircraft and associated systems and weapons would be delivered on the same configuration as had been tested and approved by IAF, and with a longer maintenance responsibility by France. This information was given by Defence Minister Shri Manohar Parrikar in a written reply to Shri Ravi Prakash Verma in Rajya Sabh on 05 May 2015.
The French side agreed to reinvest in the Indian economy 50 percent worth of the contract on the delivery of French-built Rafale fighters for Indian Air Force, the Indian Ministry of Defense said 18 December 2015. "Keeping the dwindling effective squadrons strength in view, the Indian Air Force has undertaken a massive upgrade programme of its fighter and transport Aircraft. To give thrust to this programme it has immediately gone for procurement of 36 Rafale Aircraft on government to government sell which includes 50% offsets that will help our medium and small scale industries in the aviation sector," the statement read.
Bharat Karnad, former member, India's National Security Council, confirmed in May 2016 the corruption in the scrapped AgustWestland helicopter deal and the obstinate position of both sides over the cost of the deal are threatening to send the protracted negotiations into cold storage forever. "The AgustaWestland corruption scandal has pretty much sunk the Rafale deal for fear that France's cultivation of interested parties over the past decade could end up tarring the ruling BJP regime in some way, considering a lot of the Indian Air Force brass and Ministry of Defense officials spanning the NDA and UPA governments may be implicated in any future investigation and who, in turn, may drag the relatively clean reputation of Narendra Modi & Co. through the mud."
India's Defense Minister Parrikar statement in Parliament said: "We are trying our best to save money. If we purchase the required 36 Rafale, we will buy them at a price that's below the cost that was estimated when we were negotiating for 126 Rafale."
Based on the original cost for 126 Rafale agreed in the earlier negotiations, 36 Rafale would cost no more than 5 billion Euro. However, France quoted 7.5 billion euro for the 36 Rafale in April this year — a proposition India is reluctant to accept. Meanwhile, sources close to the French negotiating team suggest that the price offered by India is not acceptable to the Dassault Aviation, which already has a full order-book. As per a 2015 deal, the manufacturer has agreed to sell 24 Rafale to Egypt at a cost of 5.2 billion euro. It is also selling 24 Rafale to Qatar and expected Malaysia to place an order soon.
As per the India-France Joint Statement issued by the two countries during the Prime Minister’s visit to France, Government of India conveyed to the Government of France that in view of the critical operational necessity for Multirole Combat Aircraft for Indian Air Force (IAF), Government of India would like to acquire 36 Rafale jets in fly-away condition. Both the sides also agreed to conclude an Inter-Governmental Agreement (IGA) for supply of the aircraft. A Negotiating Team had been constituted to negotiate the terms and conditions of the procurement of 36 Rafale jets and recommend a draft agreement. The Negotiations were underway and IGA & Offset Contract were yet to be finalized. The details including transfer of technology through offsets will emerge after the negotiations are completed. The Rafale aircraft being procured would have advanced features like Advanced Electronically Scanned Array Radar, mid-air refuelling and advanced Electronic Warfare equipment as part of its design. This information was given by Defence Minister Shri Manohar Parrikar in a written reply to Dr. T Subbarami Reddy in Rajya Sabha 19 July 2016.


https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/europe/rafale.htm

Rafale

The Rafale (Squall) program is composed of three versions of multi-purpose twin-engine combat aircraft -- the single-seater air version Rafale C, two-seater air version Rafale B and single-seater navy version Rafale M. These three versions are fitted with the same engine, the same navigation and attack system, the aircraft management system and the flight control system. They are all able to perform all types of missions from ground attack to air superiority.
The RAFALE is slated to become eventually the sole type of combat aircraft operated by the French Air Force and French Navy. As a result, with the program totally secured by a French government commitment for around 300 aircraft, the RAFALE is in production and more than 100 aircraft are now in service. The first production aircraft Rafale B1 flew for the first time 04 December 1998 and was delivered to the French Air Force. By the end of 2010, 38 RAFALE B and 24 RAFALE C had been accepted by the French Air Force, and 31 RAFALE M by the French Navy. Four batches of 13, 48, 59 and 60 aircraft have been ordered, totalling 132 aircraft for the French Air Force (63 Bs and 69Cs) and 48 Ms for the French Navy.
As of 1995 a planned total of 336 Rafales (250 Rafale ACTs for the air force and 86 Rafale ACMs for the navy), were to be built at a planned procurement rate of 16 aircraft a year. Firm orders by the French Government totalled 61 aircraft to be delivered from 1998 to 2005. The total program for France, Air Force and Navy, was set at 294 aircraft, subsequently reduced to 286 aircraft, including up to 60 Rafale M for the Navy. By 2011 the aircraft’s production order stood at 190 for the French air force (71 Rafale Cs and 79 Rafale Bs) and navy (40 Rafale Ms) combined. Production of the Rafale for the French forces was secure until 2019 and was expected to last until 2025.
The French government said in 2014 that it would slow the pace at which it took delivery of Rafale jets to just 26 over the following five years instead of 11 every year.
When the RAFALE program was launched, the Armée de l'Air and the Marine Nationale (the French Air Force and the French Navy) published a joint requirement for a balancedmultirole aircraft that would be able to replace seven types of combat aircraft then in use.
The new aircraft would have to be able to carry out an extremely wide range of missions:
  • Air-defence / air-superiority,
  • Reconnaissance,
  • Close air support,
  • Precision strike / interdiction with conventional weapons (air-to-ground and anti-ship attacks),
  • Nuclear strikes.
These needs were taken into account from the start of the RAFALE's development; thus it enabled the engineers, using all the new technologies, to conceive an aircraft which goes beyond the objectives of each mission. The RAFALE has exhibited a remarkable rate of survivability during the latest main French Air Force and Navy operations thanks to an optimized airframe and a wide range of smart and discrete sensors. It is slated to be the French armed forces' combat aircraft until 2040, at least.
Since 2006, the French Air Force and Navy RAFALE fighters have been engaged in countless combat missions in Afghanistan where they demonstrated a very high availability rate. In the theatre, they have fired their weapons (250 kg laser-guided bombs and 30 mm guns) on numerous occasions. In early 2008, the AASM precision-guided, modular, air-to-surface armament was successfully utilised for the first time, scoring direct hits with remarkable precision.
The RAFALE regularly carries out “Quick Reaction Alert” (QRA) / air-defence / air sovereignty missions, power projection and deployments for external missions, deep strike missions, air support for ground forces, reconnaissance missions, pilot training sorties and nuclear deterrence duties.
The French Air Force first operational RAFALE squadron, EC 1/7 “Provence", has been stationed at Saint-Dizier air base since 2006. The second FAF fighter squadron equipped with RAFALE, EC 1/91 “Gascogne", was officially re-created at St-Dizier in March 2009. In October 2010, it was followed by ETR 2/92 “Aquitaine”, a joint Air Force / Navy unit that will now handle all aircrew training. In November 2010, EC 3/30 “Lorraine” has been re-created at Al Dhafra air base, in the United Arab Emirates, with Al Dhafra becoming in effect a forward operating base for RAFALE fighters.
The RAFALE has been subjected to thorough evaluations by several air forces with very positive results. It has been successfully involved in numerous multinational exercises: Red Flag, ATLC, Tiger Meet…. The RAFALE M is the only non-US type of fighter cleared to operate from the decks of US carriers, using their catapults and their arresting gear, as demonstrated in 2008 when six RAFALEs from Flottille “12F” seamlessly integrated into the USS “Theodore Roosevelt” Carrier Air Wing during JTFEX, a massive interoperability /graduation exercise organised by the US Navy prior to an operational deployment. During this exercise, the RAFALE demonstrated full interoperability with US and allied, air and naval units, as it was widely underlined by the US Navy.
The RAFALE has exhibited a remarkable survivability rate during the latest French Air Force and Navy operations, thanks to an optimized airframe and to a wide range of smart and discrete sensors. It is slated to be the French armed forces prime combat aircraft until 2040 at least.

Rafale - Design

The RAFALE features a delta wing with close-coupled canards. In-house research in computational fluid dynamics has shown the specific benefits of close coupling between the wings and the canards: it ensures a wide range of centre of gravity positions for all flight conditions as well as benign handling throughout the whole flight envelope. The choice of the close-coupled canards / delta wing configuration was decisive to ensure that the new fighter would offer the highest levels of performance during air-combats: even at high angles of attack, the RAFALE remains superbly agile, and its operational range for strikes at very long distances with incredibly heavy weapon loads is unmatched for such a compact design. Every effort has been made for the sake of tactical flexibility to obtain balanced performance between subsonic and supersonic regimes, either in heavy or lighter air-to-air configurations.
The Rafale configuration is in line with the family of delta wing aircraft which started with MIRAGE III aircraft and which, later, gave birth to MIRAGE 2000 aircraft then to the "canard + delta wing aircraft". This latter configuration dates from the "MILAN" aircraft which, in 1969 with its retractable "nose fins", was the first attempt within DASSAULT to decrease the relatively high approach speed of MIRAGE III aircraft (180 kts). Then in 1979 it was the MIRAGE 4000 aircraft and in 1982 the MIRAGE III NG aircraft. The MIRAGE 4000 aircraft is equipped with fixed canard fins, designed to improve its maneuverability, which can be disengaged in caso of multiple failure of the flight control system. This gives back stability to the aircraft and enables more traditional flying control.
The advantages of the delta moving canard configuration such as it is on the RAFALE are multiple. This configuration enahles excellent wing efficiency, especially at high angles-of-attack, due to deflection of the air flow on the wing by the foreplane, and extensive control of the aircraft's centre of gravity, thanks to the aerodynamic center effect created by the canard. It is the mastery of longitudinal balance that guarantees high maneuverability throughout the flight envelope. It has been proved in combat simulation that the negative static margin obtained, thanks to the fly-by-wire controls, which was optimum, depends on the optimum limit of maneuver. The selection of negative static margin thus made, a canard dimension linked to the selection of the aircraft c.g. position is obtained. A certain number of new FCS functions, as for instance gust alleviation, are decisive for multi-role aircraft. In fact the possibility of delaying the accelerations felt by the pilot at high speed and low altitude (penetration mission) makes possible the selection of larger wings which leads to an improvement of the aircraft qualities in the Air-to-Air dog fight (air superiority mission).
The semi-ventral pitot air intakes, which are of an entirely new design issuing from many computations and tests, meet specific technological requirements, such as improvement in air intake efficiency at high angle-of-attack thanks to the protection provided by the forward fuselage, and improvement in the quality of air supplied to the engines by increasing the stationary and unstationary homogeneity of the airflow. This permits maintaining a Mach 2 capability, while at the same time achieving simplicity no moving devices or bleeds. The design features complete separation of the right and left air intakes so that misfunctions of one does not affect the other engine, and also to allow sufficient space for installation of a forward retraction nose gear, leaving a large amount of space for carrying long under-fuselage stores.
The architecture of the aircraft air intakes, nose and main undercarriages gives the capability for a large store to be carried under the fuselage, which is essential to achieve certain Air-to-Ground missions. Certain configurations, such as those with air-to-air missiles conformal to the fuselage, have been designed especially to reduce drag and radar signature. Configurations were tested in the wind tunnel for under fuselage tanden-mounted missiles. The structural optimization enabled the installation of the missile ejectors inside the aircraft. This store carrying capacity, which is exceptional for an aircraft of this size, has been obtained by opting for a mid-fuselage wing location and desiqning a special linkaqe system for the rose gear that minimizes the space required under the front section for retraction and extension of the qear.
The wings have advanced mechanization: each wing panel has three elevons and a three-section leading-edge flap across its whole sweep, automatically controllable along with the elevons. The control system is a remote electronic one with fourfold redundancy. Depending on what is being carried on external mounts, it provides for the automatic limitation of handling according to the angle of attack, g-loading and the angular roll velocity.
DASSAULT AVIATION has long been recognised for designing sturdy airframes that sustain over 30 years of operation without heavy structural upgrades. Thanks to the DASSAULT AVIATION unique know-how in finite element modelisation, the RAFALE airframe fatigue is monitored with the same gauge-free concept which has proved its worth on the MIRAGE 2000 fleet.
An advanced digital “Fly-by-Wire” (FBW) Flight Control System (FCS) provides for longitudinal stability and superior handling performance. The FCS is quadruple redundant with three digital channels and one separately designed analog channel, with no mechanical back-up: design independence between channels is key to avoiding simultaneous anomalies on all channels. Design independence between channels is pivotal in preventing anomalies simultaneously affecting several channels. This is a unique feature, the result of Dassault Aviation's extensive in-house experience in FBW design: in over one million flight hours with full fly-by-wire (i.e. without any mechanical back-up), not a single accident has ever been caused by the Flight Control System.
The Rafale flight control system (FCS) is a full authority digital system in a longitudinally unstable aerodynamic configuration. The FCS was designed to control an aerodynamicconfiguration that was optimized from aerodynamics, buffet, lift, drag, structural loads, and control surface loads considerations. The FCS functionality provides 6 axis stability augmentation on ground and in the air including gust alleviation. Handling qualities are optimized to give carefree handling and structural protection by controlling incidence sideslip, normal acceleration, roll rate and roll acceleration. Autopilot functions are included, which utilize novel inceptors such as brake pedals to provide input commands. The FCS processes all the air data sensor inputs and is integrated with the avionic and weapon delivery systems in the provision of general navigation, terrain following, auto approach and landing (for both land and carrier based operations), and auto weapon delivery functions. The FCS was designed with the safety specification requirement for a failure rate better than 10-6 per flying hour. This requirement included the FCS, hydraulics, and electrical supply system. The redundancy of the system is either quadruplex, triplex, or duplex depending upon the criticality of the subsystem. For example, quadruplex functions include inertial sensors, actuator-loop control, and moding status whereas air data is triplex.
The RAFALE is safe and easy to fly in all flight regimes, featuring the same precise, yet benign handling performance in all load-out configurations throughout the flight envelope. The flight control system of the RAFALE offers auto flight in terrain following mode in all weather conditions, allowing the RAFALE to fly unobserved in the opponent’s airspace: an important survivability factor in a high threat environment.
Moreover, Terrain Following modes allow the RAFALE to automatically fly unobserved at very low altitudes whatever the weather conditions, optimising its survivability in a high threat environment. Minimising the radar cross section has also been a design driver in order to make stealth tactics possible. Most of the stealth design features are classified, but some of them are clearly visible, such as the serrated patterns on the trailing edges of the wings and canards. Dassault Aviation has a long praised tradition of designing sturdy airframes that sustain over 30 years of operation without heavy structural retrofit. Thanks to a Dassault Aviation unique know-how in finite element modelisation, the RAFALE airframe fatigue is monitored with a gauge-free concept, a now proven concept which, day after day, has demonstrated its relevance on the Mirage 2000 fleet.
Composite materials are extensively used in the RAFALE and they account for 70% of the wetted area. They also account for the 40% increase in the max take-off weight to empty weight ratio compared with traditional airframes built of aluminium and titanium.
The M88-2 incorporates advanced technologies such as integrally bladed compressor disks (“blisks”), a low-pollution combustor with smoke-free emissions, single-crystal high-pressure turbine blades, ceramic coatings, and composite materials. It also features the latest advances in reducing electromagnetic and infrared signatures. In short, the M88-2 is a very compact powerplant, offering a high thrust-to-weight ratio and exceptional controllability, especially in terms of acceleration.
The M88-2 powerplant is rated at 10,971 lbs dry and 16,620 lbs with afterburner (also reported as 11,250 dry to 17,000 lb of thrust with afterburner). It is equipped with redundant “Full Authority Digital Engine Control” (FADEC), which provides for carefree engine handling anywhere in the flight envelope : the throttle can be slammed from combat power to idle and back to combat power again, with less than three seconds from idle to full afterburner.
Launched in 2008, the M88 TCO (“Total Cost of Ownership”) programme was initiated to further improve engine durability and bring support costs down. Capitalising on the ECO project, SNECMA was able to upgrade the high-pressure compressor and the high-pressure turbine of the M88-2 : cooling is ameliorated and stronger components have been introduced, boosting durability by up to 50%. Life expectancy between overhaul has been considerably expanded for a number of modules, helping further minimise the impact of planned maintenance on engine availability.
The M88 is the subject of a constant improvement effort by SNECMA, leading to the latest M88-4E version, which builds on the TCO program. To further ameliorate performance and increase the life of some critical components, Snecma (Safran Group) engineers designed a new M88-2 variant called "4E". This variant is fitted with an upgraded high-pressure compressor and with an improved high-pressure turbine. With these new modules, engine durability and availability will be significantly increased while operating and maintenance costs will be brought down.. From 2013 RAFALE aircraft will come out of the production line with M88-4Es fitted on them. The M88-2 was designed from the outset for high dispatch reliability, along with easy maintainability and lower operating costs, to reduce the overall cost of ownership.


Rafale - Variants

Directly derived from the slightly larger RAFALE A demonstrator, the three versions of the RAFALE retain all those qualities which have today been proven in flight : 750 kt, 9 g/-3.6 g, 32° maximum angle of attack, 115 kt approach speed, take off and landing in less than 400 meters. These qualities and performances stem from the "delta-canard" aerodynamicconcept combining a delta wing and an active foreplane judiciously located in relation to the wing so as to optimize aerodynamic efficiency and stability control without impeding the pilot's visibility. Moreover, shapes and materials have been continuously selected to minimized the aircraft observability to both electro-magnetic and infra-red sensors.
  • The Rafale C is a multirole fighter with a fully integrated weapons and navigation systems, making use of the latest technology and is capable of outstanding performance on multiple target air-to-air missions and air-to-surface missions deep behind enemy lines.
  • The two-seater Rafale B retains most of the elements of the single-seater version, and its weapon and navigation system is exactly the same; the Rafale B can perform any operational mission with a lon pilot or with a crew consisting of two pilots or of one pilot and a weapons system operator.
  • The Rafale M, a single-seater designed for seaborne use, carries the same weapon and navigation system. Its airframe has been designed for aircraft-carriers but retains most of the elements of the other versions.
The Air Force single-seat RAFALE C, the Air Force two-seat RAFALE B, and the naval single-seat RAFALE M feature maximum airframe and equipment commonality, and very similar mission capabilities. All three variants share a common airframe and a common mission system, the differences between naval and land versions being mainly limited to the undercarriage and to the arresting hook.
Rafale had been produced to three standards: the F1 for the French navy from mid-2004 — 10 aircraft plus 3 for the French air force later retrofitted to F3 standard — also called Tranche 1; F2 for the French air force and navy from mid-2006 — 48 aircraft since retrofitted to F3 standard — also called Tranche 2; and F3 for the French air force and navy since mid-2008 — 59 aircraft still in the process of delivery as of 2011 — also called Tranche 3; with 60 more to be delivered under Tranche 4 (described as F3+) with series production Thales RBE2/AA active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar.
Capabilities are developed incrementally, and released in packages (“standards”). The first release (standard F1) featured only air-to-air capabilities. It became operational in 2004 with the French Navy on RAFALEs launched from the “Charles de Gaulle” during operation "Enduring Freedom". The second capability release (standard F2) entered service in the French Air Force and in the French Navy in 2006. It provided the RAFALE with its true “OMNIROLE” capability for air-to-air and air-to-ground missions.
Standard F3 (now F3.2) is the current release. It has been qualified by the French MoD in 2008. It adds air reconnaissance with the AREOS recce pod, anti-ship with the AM39 EXOCET (implemented in RAFALE B, C, and M), and the nuclear capability with the ASMPA. The first RAFALE F3 was delivered to the French Air Force Operational Evaluation Centre (CEAM) in mid-2008 at Mont-de-Marsan AFB, in full accordance with the contracted delivery schedule.
Engineering work is already being done to further extend the air-to-air and air-to-ground capabilities and the connectivity of the RAFALE well into the next decade. The ongoing effort will ensure more robust detection, tracking and identification of emerging air-to-air threats, and increase the RAFALE’s survivability with new low observable modes and with the latest advances in electronic warfare systems. Air-to-surface capabilities could benefit from assisted target recognition and enhanced sensor resolution, enabling the RAFALE to attack ever more elusive targets. New materials could extend the life of engine components. And the connectivity of the RAFALE will be further extended to keep it “plugged” into tomorrow’s integrated battlespace.




  • Rafale - Design
  • Rafale - Variants
  • Rafale - Payloads
  • Rafale - Sensors
  • Rafale - Development
  • Rafale - Sales
  • Rafale - Specifications
  • Rafale - Pictures
  • Rafale - References






  • World Wide Fighter Aircraft

  • Resources








    Friday, December 14, 2018

    India cannot turn into Islamic Nation, only Modi can understand gravity and do needful: Meghalaya HC

    SOURCE:
    https://www.opindia.com/2018/12/india-cannot-turn-into-islamic-nation-only-modi-can-understand-gravity-and-do-needful-meghalaya-hc/


                                             https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SHk1QhSLL_w






                                   https://youtu.be/HsJA9x8-p3o








    India cannot turn into Islamic Nation, only Modi can understand gravity and do needful:                            Meghalaya HC





    Nobody should try to make India as another Islamic country, otherwise it will be a doomsday for India and the world, Justice S R Sen of Meghalaya High Court said





    DECEMBER 12, 2018


    In what could turn out to be a controversial judgment, the Meghalaya High Court has urged the Prime Minister, Home Minister, Law Minister and the MPs to enact laws to allow the Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhist, Parsis, Christians, Khasis, Jaintias and Garos who have come from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan to live in India and to be given citizenship.
    The judgment which has been delivered in a case pertaining to domicile certificate, has been authored by Justice SR Sen. The Court in its judgment has also stated that India should have been declared a Hindu country during the partition though it chose to remain a secular nation.
    “Therefore, I request our beloved Prime Minister, Home Minister, Law Minister and Hon’ble Members of the Parliament to bring a law to allow the Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhist, Parsis, Christians, Khasis, Jaintias and Garos who have come from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan to live in this country peacefully and with full dignity without making any cut off year and be given citizenship without any question or production of any documents. Similar principle should be taken to those who live in Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan. They may be allowed to come at any point of time to settle in India and Government may provide rehabilitation properly and declare them citizens of India.”
    The judgment begins by stating that the difficulties faced by the residents to get the Domicile Certificate and the Permanent Residence Certificate have become “a great issue today”.
    The same will have to be examined “since the inception of India 2 (Bharat Barsh)”, the Court states. The judgment then proceeds to examine history and partition of India with the judge stating that he will fail in his duty otherwise.
    “I am of the view and that I will fail in my duty if I do not project the original India and its partition.”

    Indian History
    The Court has simplified the history of the sub-continent in three paragraphs.
    India was one of the largest countries and “commanded by Hindu Kingdom”. Thereafter, “Mughal” came and many conversions took place. Then came the British. Subsequently, partition happened during which lakhs of Hindus and Sikhs were killed, tortured and raped.
    Below is the full account:

    “As we all know that India was one of the largest country in the world and there was no concept of Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan. They were in one country and was commanded by Hindu Kingdom but thereafter the Mughal came to India and captured the different parts of India and started ruling the country and at that point of time many conversion took place by force.
    Thereafter, the English people entered India in the name of East India Company and started ruling over India and were torturing the Indians so ultimately the independence movement started and India got its independence in the year 1947 and India was divided into two countries; one was Pakistan and the other was India.
    It is an undisputed fact that at the time of partition, lakhs and lakhs of Sikhs and Hindus were killed, tortured and raped and forced them to leave their forefather’s property and compelled them to enter India to save their lives and dignity.”

    India should have declared itself Hindu country

    The Court then makes the statement that while Pakistan was declared an Islamic country, India was declared a secular country though it should have been declared a Hindu country since the partition was on the basis of religion.
    “Pakistan declared themselves as an Islamic country and India since was divided on the basis of religion should have also been declared as a Hindu country but it remained as a secular country.”
    The judgment then goes on to refer to various books relating to killing of Hindus during partition. A good part of the judgment is dedicated to extracts from such books.
    Request to Prime Minister – allow all Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhist, Parsis, Christians, Khasis, Jaintias and Garos from Pakistan, Bangladesh, Afghanistan to live in India
    The Court in its judgment requests the Prime Minister, Home Minister, Law Minister and Members of the Parliament to  enact a law to allow the Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhist, Parsis, Christians, Khasis, Jaintias and Garos who have come from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan to live in India peacefully and to grant them citizenship.
    “Therefore, I request our beloved Prime Minister, Home Minister, Law Minister and Hon’ble Members of the Parliament to bring a law to allow the Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhist, Parsis, Christians, Khasis, Jaintias and Garos who have come from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan to live in this country peacefully and with full dignity without making any cut off year and be given citizenship without any question or production of any documents. Similar principle should be taken to those who live in Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan. They may be allowed to come at any point of time to settle in India and Government may provide rehabilitation properly and declare them citizens of India. Similar principle to be adopted for those Hindus and Sikhs who are of Indian origin and presently residing abroad to come to India at any time as they like and they may be considered automatically as Indian citizens. This Court expects that the Government of India will take a conscious decision to protect the innocent Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhist, Parsis, Christians, Khasis, Jaintias and Garos who have come from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan and who are yet to come as well as from abroad as they have the same right to come to India as Indian citizens…
    Therefore, I can simply say that the Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhist, Parsis, Christians, Khasis, Jaintias and Garos residing in India which ever date maybe, they have come to India are to be declared all as Indian citizens and those who will come in future also to be considered as Indian citizens.”
    Not against my Muslim brother and sisters
    The Court clarifies that it is not against Muslim brothers and sisters who are residing in India for generations and abiding Indian laws and they should also be allowed to live peacefully.
    However, I am not against my Muslim brothers and sisters who are residing in India for generations and abiding Indian laws, they should also be allowed to live peacefully
    However, the government should make “a uniform law” for all Indian citizens and anybody opposing Indian laws and Constitution cannot be considered as Indian citizens.
    “I also request the Government that a uniform law should be made for all Indian citizens and they are bound to abide the law of the country and constitution. Anybody opposing the Indian laws and constitution, they cannot be considered as citizens of the country. We must remember that first, we are Indians, then good human beings and thereafter comes the community we belong.”
    India achieved independence through bloodshed, not non-violence – Sikhs were rehabilitated but Hindus were not

    However, while Sikhs were rehabilitated by the government, Hindus were not, the High Court states.
    “However, I will not be wrong to mention that when the Sikhs came, they got the rehabilitation from the Government but the same was not given to the Hindus. Therefore, it is not correct that Indian independence is by nonviolence, but it is through violence wherein the Hindus and Sikhs in terms of lakhs, sacrificed their life, property, land and livelihood.”
    Nobody should try to make India an Islamic country – confident that only Narendra Modiji will do the needful
    The judgment then goes on to express faith in Prime Minister Narendra Modi whose government alone will do the needful to prevent India from being an Islamic country.
    Interestingly, the Court states that it is confident that “our Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee will support the national interest.”
    “I make it clear that nobody should try to make India as another Islamic country, otherwise it will be a dooms day for India and the world. I am confident that only this Government under Shri. Narendra Modiji will understand the gravity, and will do the needful as requested above and our Chief Minister Mamataji will support the national interest in all respect.”
    The actual case


     CLICK / GOOGLE  to open


    https://drive.google.com/file/d/1pE05yS0mki6Mfwi1QlnpApBHnzCvrOlp/view














    Friday, November 30, 2018

    JeM's Masood Azhar Releases A Threat Video To India On The Construction Of Ram Mandir In Ayodhya

    SOURCE:



             JeM's Masood Azhar 

    Releases A Threat Video To India  On The Construction Of Ram Mandir In Ayodhya


                        https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sD6hwsDn4Yg





               
                                  https://youtu.be/FSnO6WL2NH0








    Highlights

    • Babri Masjid should be brought back, said the terrorist Masood Azhar in his video threatening India over Ayodhya

    • In the video released by the Jaish-e-Mohammad Chief, he named and threatened PM Modi and Uddhav Thackeray

    • He issued a call to arms, invoking religious fervour over the matter


    Vocalising hate against India, terrorist Masood Azhar has released a tape issuing threats over building the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya. Adhering to his fundamentalism, the Pakistani terrorist has attempted to hatemonger over the Babri Masjid - Ram Mandir dispute. 

    "That Babri Masjid that was taken away from us because of our cowardice and our sins. A Mandir was created in that place. These days non-Muslims are assembled over there for the issue. They are demanding to build Ram Mandir. They have swords and spears in their hand, while the Muslims are scared. The call for Babri Masjid is a test for the Muslims, it's a dangerous time, we are ready to sacrifice our lives. I pray to you, to give us back the Babri Masjid, give us back the honour of the Muslim Community. Forgive us, as we have sinned," he said. 

    The UN-designated terrorist Masood Azhar and Chief of Jaish-e-Mohammad who runs terror pockets from Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir has warned India against constructing the Ram Mandir. 

    He said, "Just stop the construction of Ram Mandir, and show your warriors a path. They are desperate to show you their love and loyalty. The slogans crying 'Allahu Akhbar' will be raised on the dome of Babri Masjid." 

    "The bloodshed, injuries, the bodies imbibed with the perfume of love, the parts of the body. The victory of religion, oh lord not just one or two, thousands of men are ready in your service, they are emotional, trembling that the Babri Masjid should be brought back. We have to protect our mothers' dignity. We won't let an idol be built in the place where we prostrate," he added. 

    The Pakistan-based terrorist has threatened India of terror and directly targeted Uddhav Thackeray and PM Modi. 

    "Oh Lord who enlightens the darkness, just show us a path, if Allah wills this yellow terror will turn into a red storm. Then Thackeray will be on his knees, Modi will crumble like a cobweb. Those who are too fond of being a Muslim Leader, they should be responsible enough and tell India that Ram Mandir instead of Babri Masjid will not be tolerated," Azhar said. 

    On December 24, 1999, an Indian plane IC-814 flying from Kathmandu to Delhi was hijacked by Harkat Ul Mujahideen terrorists demanding the release of Masood Azhar and two other terrorists from the Indian custody. The three terrorists were handed over to Taliban for the safe return of the plane's passengers. Masood Azhar continued his terror-mongering and almost two decades later, masterminded the Uri Army base attack. Although Pakistan authorities claimed they had taken him into custody after the Pathankot attack in India, he was seen wandering freely in April 2016.












    Wednesday, November 28, 2018

    China in Africa

    SOURCE:
    https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/china-africa?utm_medium=email&utm_source=dailybrief&utm_content=112818&sp_mid=57880618&sp_rid=YmN2YXN1bmRocmFAaG90bWFpbC5jb20S1




              China in Africa



    China has become Africa’s largest trade partner and has greatly expanded its economic ties to the continent, but its growing activities there have raised questions about its noninterference policy. 
    Last updated July 12, 2017



    A Chinese worker looks on as locals cross a construction site in Viana, Angola. Siphiwe Sibeko/Reuters

    Introduction








    Over the past few decades, China’s rapid economic growth and expanding middle class have fueled an unprecedented need for resources. The economic powerhouse has focused on securing the long-term energy supplies needed to sustain its industrialization, searching for secure access to oil supplies and other raw materials around the globe. As part of this effort, China has turned to Africa. Through significant investment in a continent known for political and security risks, China has boosted African oil and mining sectors in exchange for advantageous trade deals. Chinese companies are also diversifying their business pursuits in Africa, in infrastructure, manufacturing, telecommunications, and agricultural sectors. However, China’s activity in Africa has faced criticism from Western and African civil society over its controversial business practices, as well as its failure to promote good governance and human rights. Yet a number of African governments appear to be content with China’s policy. At the same time, Beijing’s complex relationship with the continent has challenged its policy of noninterference in the affairs of African governments.


    China’s Energy Needs

    China’s economy, which had averaged an annual growth rate of 10 percent for three decades until 2010, requires substantial levels of energy to sustain its momentum. It has become the world’s largest energy consumer and producer [PDF] in the world. Though China relies on coal for much of its energy needs, its oil consumption is second worldwide. Once the largest oil exporter in Asia, China became a net importer in 1993 and has surpassed the United States as the world’s largest importer of oil in recent years. The International Energy Agency’s World Energy Outlook 2014 [PDF] projected that China will become the world’s largest consumer of oil by the early 2030s.



    More on:
      Trade   

    Chinas second-largest source of crTradeude imports after the Middle East is Africa, from which it receives 1.4 million barrels per day, or 22 percent [PDF]. Angola was China’s third-largest oil supplier in 2016. Other African oil suppliers include the Republic of Congo and South Sudan.


    In its quest to secure resources, China engages in a form of commercial diplomacy that most other countries cannot match, Michael Levi and CFR’s Elizabeth C. Economy argue in their 2014 book, By All Means Necessary. Beijing pitches vast trade, assistance, and investment deals on frequent trips to resource-rich countries, and retains an almost unparalleled ability to provide low-cost financing and cheap labor for infrastructure projects, Economy explains.
    Though China’s growth dropped to 6.7 percent in 2016 and is expected to moderate further, the country will remain an important area of growth for energy demand globally. 

    Sino-African Trade

    Economic ties between China and the African continent have deepened as China’s economy has thrived. China surpassed the United States as Africa’s largest trade partner in 2009. China is a destination for 15 to 16 percent of sub-Saharan Africa’s exports and the source of 14 to 21 percent of the region’s imports, according to estimates from Thomson Reuters and the World Bank. While the majority of Africa’s exports to China are comprised of mineral fuels, lubricants, and related materials, it also exports iron ore, metals, and other commodities, as well as small amounts of food and agricultural products. China exports a range of machinery, transportation, communications equipment, as well as manufactured goods to African countries.







    China has taken a multi-pronged approach in its economic relations with Africa, according to Deborah Brautigam who directs the China-Africa Research Initiative (SAIS-CARI) at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced and International Studies. China is a significant source of foreign direct investment in Africa; offers development loans to resource-rich nations, like Angola; invests in agriculture; and develops special trade and economic cooperation zones in several states, including Ethiopia, Nigeria, and Zambia. “Chinese banks and companies are offering finance that allows them to secure a greater share of the business deals [PDF] in Africa as part of their move to ‘go global.’ This brings with it risks for African borrowers—but also opportunities,” write Brautigam and Jyhjong Hwang of SAIS-CARI.
    Chinese financing comes often in the form of loans and credits provided by the People’s Bank of China, the China Development Bank, the Export-Import Bank of China, and the China-Africa Development Fund. Between 2000 and 2014, Chinese banks, contractors, and the government loaned more than $86 billion to Africa, according to SAIS-CARI. Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Ethiopia, Kenya, and Sudan were the top recipients. However, these large loans are beginning to raise questions about debt loads in African countries, showing indications of a potential debt crisis.

    Beijing has steadily diversified its business interests in Africa. China has participated in energy, mining, and telecommunications industries and financed the construction of roads, railways, ports, airports, hospitals, schools, and stadiums. Investment from a mixture of state and private funds has also set up tobacco, rubber, sugar, and sisal plantations. Domestic economic conditions drove Chinese firms to break into new markets for its consumer goods and excess industrial capacity as part of China’s “going out” or “going global” strategy. Chinese investment in Africa also fits into Chinese President Xi Jinping’s development framework, “One Belt, One Road,” which joins a continental economic belt and a maritime road to promote cooperation and interconnectivity from Eurasia to Africa.

    Perceptions in Africa

    Opinion surveys have shown that the majority of respondents in African countries view China favorably, both in terms of its influence as well as its contributions to the continent’s development. On average, 63 percent [PDF] of Africans view China’s economic and political influence as somewhat or very positive, according to a 2016 poll conducted in thirty-six countries by Afrobarometer, a Pan-African research network. Many African leaders have lauded the benefits of Chinese investment to support growth in their countries. “China, which has fought its own battles to modernise, has a much greater sense of the personal urgency of development in Africa than many western nations,” wrote former Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade in a 2008 op-ed









    Still, China’s presence in Africa has not been without controversy. Some countries have pushed back against China’s development activities. Grievances range from poor compliance with safety and environmental standards to unfair business practices and violations of local laws.
    The impression that China has exploited resources without building up local economies has triggered fierce criticism from some leaders. In 2011, Michael Sata won Zambia’s presidency in part by tapping into anti-Chinese sentiment after Chinese managers shot protesters at a large coal mine in southern Zambia. In 2013, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, then-governor of Nigeria’s Central Bank, wrote “we must see China for what it is: a competitor.” He added: “Africa must recognise that China—like the U.S., Russia, Britain, Brazil and the rest—is in Africa not for African interests but its own.”
    African workers have also begun to fault Chinese companies for unfair labor practices, including disputes over wages and working conditions. Beijing has “less and less” ability to control these companies, says Ian Taylor, a professor at Scotland’s University of St. Andrews, thus undermining China’s official stance promoting Chinese investment in Africa as “win-win.” Zambia, in particular, has experienced civil strife in response to an influx of Chinese companies; in 2012, the country witnessed protests and even deaths of Chinese mine managers.
    Environmental concerns have been raised by international and local non-governmental organizations. They point to a lack of resource transparency and limited efforts to ensure animal and environmental protection. However, a number of regional experts say the perception of China’s environmental performance in Africa is more negative than the reality, though improvements can be made.   
    Still, governance systems in African countries are often ill-equipped or too weak to protect against potential environmental damage. “Many African countries are worse off than China as they attach low priority [PDF] to environmental protection, have understaffed environmental bureaucracies, and even worse records for countering corruption,” writes George Washington University’s David H. Shinn, who is also a former U.S. ambassador to Burkina Faso and Ethiopia. A small number of Africa’s fifty-four nations has ratified the African Union’s 2003 revised African Convention on the Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources. While opinion polls indicate that many surveyed in sub-Saharan Africa see climate change as a serious problem, another Pew Research study found that pollution and the environment ranked as the least important among the greatest dangers in the world in eight out of the nine African countries surveyed (after religious and ethnic hatred, inequality, AIDS and other diseases, and nuclear weapons).




    Noninterference and Security

    China’s ties to the continent trace back to the early postcolonial history of many states. Beijing forged relationships with African countries as they first gained independence and used diplomatic recognition of the People’s Republic of China over Taiwan as a bargaining tool, rewarding countries who sided with Beijing instead of Taipei. Since the mid-1990s, Beijing has recalibrated its approach by focusing on economic relationships and heralding a policy of noninterference in African governmental affairs. China’s noninterference policy and respect for sovereignty allow assistance to be allotted with few to no strings attached, providing repressive governments in countries like Sudan and Zimbabwe with much-needed financing.
    This noninterference has been tested, given shifting geopolitics on the continent. Experts say that while the central government continues to talk up the merits of noninterference, it has become clear that Beijing is gradually abandoning this stance. This shift is notably visible in Sudan, a major oil exporter to China, where conflict there and subsequently in South Sudan spurred changes in China’s policy. Beijing has also increased its commitment to UN and African Union peace missions and established its first overseas military outpost in Djibouti.
    By March 2017, more than 2,500 Chinese troops, police, and military experts had been dispatched to six UN peacekeeping missions in Africa, four of which are in Darfur, DRC, Mali, and South Sudan; there are also smaller contingents in the Ivory Coast and Western Sahara. Xi pledged $100 million in military aid to the African Union in 2015 and China supports African countries’ capacity building in areas like defense and counterterrorism.
    The killing of Chinese peacekeepers in Mali and South Sudan, the kidnapping of Chinese workers in Cameroon, and the spread of the self-proclaimed Islamic State in Africa have contributed to a growing Chinese security presence. Since 2008, China has supported counterpiracy operations in the Gulf of Aden, off the northeastern coast of Africa. Djibouti, already home to other foreign military bases, is the site of China’s first permanent naval installation overseas; Chinese troops set sail for Djibouti in July 2017 to set up the base.


    Assessing Sino-African Ties

    Chinese investment in Africa has helped spur economic growth. However, China’s economic slowdown and the drop in commodity prices have squeezed growth rates. While GDP in sub-Saharan Africa grew by 5 percent in 2011, growth was set to drop to its lowest level in more than twenty years at 1.4 percent in 2016 [PDF], according to the International Monetary Fund’s Regional Economic Outlook
    Some analysts say China’s activities in Africa—from building infrastructure to providing medical support—are goodwill for later investment opportunities or an effort to stockpile international support for contentious political issues. Experts from Aid Data, a research lab at the College of William & Mary, found a link [PDF] between Chinese assistance and the alignment of recipient countries with Beijing’s UN voting and its One China principle.  
    Accusations of exploitative behavior by China in Africa have prompted questions about the future of the relationship. However, experts suggest that while China’s economic footprint in Africa is growing, it represents only a fraction of China’s economic activity around the world. “Considering the low priority of Africa in China’s overall foreign strategic mapping, a disproportionate level of international attention, publicity, and scrutiny is paid to China’s Africa engagement,” writes the Brookings Institution’s Yun Sun.