Saturday, December 3, 2022

RUSSIAN OFFENSIVE CAMPAIGN ASSESSMENT, DECEMBER 3, 2022

 SOURCE:    (  )   https://youtu.be/C9fIp_hT0j4





 ASSESSMENT

RUSSIAN OFFENSIVE CAMPAIGN, DECEMBER 3,2022

Riley Bailey, George Barros, Karolina Hird, Nicholas Carl, and Frederick W. Kagan

December 3, 6 pm ET

Click here to see ISW’s interactive map of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. This map is updated daily alongside the static maps present in this report.

Ukrainian forces reportedly reached the east (left) bank of the Dnipro River across from Kherson City. The Ukrainian “Carlson” volunteer special air intelligence unit posted footage on December 3 of Ukrainian servicemen traversing the Dnipro River in boats, reaching a wooden marina-like structure on the east bank, and raising a Ukrainian flag on a tower near the shore.[1] Special Unit “Carlson” reported that this is the first instance of a Ukrainian flag flying over the east bank of the Dnipro River and emphasized this operation will provide a springboard for subsequent Ukrainian operations on the east bank.[2] If confirmed, this limited Ukrainian incursion onto the east bank could open avenues for Ukrainian forces to begin to operate on the east bank. As ISW has previously reported, observed Russian fortifications on the left bank indicate Russian forces are anticipating Ukrainian offensive actions on the east bank and have been constructing defensive lines south of the Dnipro River.[3] The establishment of positions along the eastern riverbank will likely set conditions for future Ukrainian offensive operations into occupied Kherson Oblast if Ukrainian troops choose to pursue this line of advance in the south. [ https://www.google.com/search?rlz=1C1CHBD_enIN988IN988&sxsrf=ALiCzsYyvIQkjqGgSlBPIbNA3x7Eo6sJwQ:1670126849196&source=univ&tbm=isch&q=Ukrainian+%E2%80%9CCarlson%E2%80%9D+volunteer+special+air+intelligence+unit&fir=pkVcRfanajBnlM%252C-KNQWv-99cejgM%252C_%253BhTAt3wv4nUI_VM%252C-KNQWv-99cejgM%252C_%253BKhCQuVhafwOc8M%252Csk6py8Ch0RoLPM%252C_%253B0Z70RM0qhxlu6M%252C-KNQWv-99cejgM%252C_%253BVEBnigHHcVVCWM%252CxwE0ABaLllly0M%252C_%253BroJuHEBiiLgJRM%252C-KNQWv-99cejgM%252C_%253BAafgRr3bYwo-MM%252C7f2u7L1lUa6u2M%252C_%253BE_scmuFQnf5yzM%252CBtEAmOxalEV_VM%252C_%253BjsI9FNS9aeoPgM%252Csk6py8Ch0RoLPM%252C_%253Bmc6ubosd3zJijM%252CBtEAmOxalEV_VM%252C_&usg=AI4_-kRye93R5hfI5_rxpiSkhVKvhgZo3w&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwixw82si9_7AhV4zjgGHVJvCGgQjJkEegQICRAC&biw=1229&bih=577&dpr=1.56 ]

French President Emmanuel Macron amplified Russian information operations about the West’s need to discuss Russian “security guarantees” in a televised interview on December 3.[4] Macron stated that the West should consider how to address Russian security guarantees if President Vladimir Putin agrees to negotiations about ending the war in Ukraine: “That topic will be part of the topics for peace, so we need to prepare what we are ready to do, how we protect our allies and member states, and how to give guarantees to Russia the day it returns to the negotiating table.”[5] ISW has extensively documented how the Kremlin demanded “security guarantees” and declared  “lines” as part of the ultimatum it presented the US and NATO before launching the February 2022 invasion.[6] Russia’s demanded security guarantees entail partially dismantling NATO by returning NATO to its 1997 borders and granting Russia a veto on future NATO expansion by demanding NATO suspend its “Open Door” policy.[7]  Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov referred to these precise demands on December 1, as ISW previously reported.[8]  The Russian demand for supposed “security guarantees” is part of a larger Russian information operation that portrays NATO as having provoked the 2022 Russian invasion by threatening Russia. The security guarantees that Ukraine, NATO, and the rest of Europe would accept from Russia following the Kremlin’s unprovoked and brutal war of conquest against Ukraine might be a more appropriate topic of conversation for Western leaders considering negotiations with Moscow.

Independent Russian polling data indicates that Russian citizens still support Russia’s military operations in Ukraine despite growing war weariness over the past six months. Independent Russian polling organization Levada Center found that 74 percent of Russians support Russian forces’ actions in the war in Ukraine in a November poll published on December 2.[9] The poll found that 42 percent of respondents “strongly support” and 32 percent “somewhat support” Russian forces’ actions in Ukraine.[10] The poll also found that only 41 percent of respondents favored Russia continuing military operations in Ukraine, however, whereas 53 percent said that Russia should begin peace negotiations.[11] Levada Center polling between July and November 2022 shows small but consistent erosion in support for the war among Russians.[12] Levada Center findings are similar to a reported internal Kremlin-commissioned poll from November that found that 55 percent of Russians favor peace talks with Ukraine and only 25 percent favor continuing the war.[13]

Both polls indicate that a shrinking but still significant portion of Russian citizens support—and are even enthusiastic about—continuing the war in Ukraine despite Russian military failures. Russian morale and political support for the war will likely further degrade with time if current trends hold. The longer the war continues to produce Russian casualties while Ukrainian forces gain ground the more the socio-political dynamics will likely continue to turn against the Kremlin. An operational pause under the guise of peace negotiations could alleviate growing political pressure on the Kremlin and allow Russia to reconstitute its forces for subsequent renewed offensive operations. 

Conditions in eastern Ukraine are reportedly becoming more conducive for a higher pace of operations as winter sets in. A Russian mil blogger claimed on December 3 that the ground has frozen along the Kreminna-Svatove line and that he expects that Ukrainian forces will likely increase the pace of their counteroffensive operations in the area as a result.[14] Luhansk Oblast Head Serhiy Haidai also stated on December 2 that weather is finally changing on the Kreminna-Svatove line and that he expects that Ukrainian forces will soon be able to improve their counter-offensive maneuver operations as mud in the area fully freezes.[15] ISW has previously assessed that the overall pace of operations is likely to increase in the coming weeks as consistent cold weather allows the ground to freeze throughout the theater, especially in eastern Ukraine where operations on both sides have been bogged down by heavy mud.[16] Neither Russians nor Ukrainians will likely suspend offensive operations in one of the most optimal times of year for mechanized maneuver warfare in this region.

The Russian and Belarusian Ministers of Defense met in Minsk likely to further strengthen bilateral security ties between Russia and Belarus. Russian Minister of Defense Army General Sergei Shoigu met with Belarusian Minister of Defense Major General Viktor Khrenin and signed amendments to the Agreement on the Joint Provision of Regional Security in the Military Sphere.[17] Shoigu also met with Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko during which Lukashenko stated that Belarusian and Russian forces continue to train together on Belarusian territory so that the “Union State [can] repel any aggression.[18] Shoigu likely met with Khrenin and Lukashenko in an attempt to place pressure on Belarus to further support Russia’s offensive campaign in Ukraine. ISW has previously assessed that Belarus is highly unlikely to enter the war in Ukraine due to domestic factors that constrain Lukashenko’s willingness to do so.[19]

Iranian Armed Forces General Staff Chief Major General Mohammad Bagheri reportedly met with Russian Deputy Defense Minister Colonel General Alexander Fomin in Tehran on December 3.[20] The two discussed unspecified military cooperation, according to official readouts from Iranian state media. They may have discussed the sale of Iranian drones and missiles to Russia for use in Ukraine. Bagheri is Iran’s chief of defense and is responsible for military policy and strategic guidance. The meeting has not been reported in Russian media as of this writing.

Key Takeaways

  • Ukrainian forces reportedly reached the east (left) bank of the Dnipro River across from Kherson City.

  • French President Emmanuel Macron amplified Russian information operations about the need for NATO to consider “security guarantees” to be given to Russia during putative negotiations in a televised interview on December 3.

  • Conditions in eastern Ukraine are likely becoming more conducive to a higher pace of operations as winter sets in.

  • The Russian and Belarusian Ministers of Defense met in Minsk likely to further strengthen bilateral security ties between Russia and Belarus.

  • Ukrainian forces likely continue to advance northwest of Kreminna.

  • Russian forces continued ground attacks around Bakhmut, in the Avdiivka-Donetsk City area, and in western Donetsk and eastern Zaporizhia oblasts.

  • Russian authorities reportedly evacuated Russian collaborators from Oleshky.

  • The Russian National Guard’s (Rosgvardia) Organizational and Staff Department confirmed that mobilization continues despite Russian President Vladimir Putin’s announcement of the formal end of partial mobilization on October 31.

  • Russian authorities are continuing to use judicial measures to consolidate administrative control of occupied territories.

We do not report in detail on Russian war crimes because those activities are well-covered in Western media and do not directly affect the military operations we are assessing and forecasting. We will continue to evaluate and report on the effects of these criminal activities on the Ukrainian military and population and specifically on combat in Ukrainian urban areas. We utterly condemn these Russian violations of the laws of armed conflict, Geneva Conventions, and humanity even though we do not describe them in these reports.

  • Ukrainian Counteroffensives—Eastern Ukraine
  • Russian Main Effort—Eastern Ukraine (comprised of one subordinate and one supporting effort)
  • Russian Subordinate Main Effort—Capture the entirety of Donetsk Oblast
  • Russian Supporting Effort—Southern Axis
  • Russian Mobilization and Force Generation Efforts
  • Activities in Russian-occupied Areas

Ukrainian Counteroffensives (Ukrainian efforts to liberate Russian-occupied territories)

Eastern Ukraine: (Eastern Kharkiv Oblast-Western Luhansk Oblast)

Russian forces continued to defend their positions against Ukrainian counteroffensive operations in the directions of Kreminna and Svatove on December 3. Ukrainian sources reported that Russian forces are conducting defensive operations amidst fierce battles near Kreminna and Svatove.[21] Luhansk Oblast Head Serhiy Haidai stated that Russian forces are also building a second line of defense near Starobilsk (55km southeast of Svatove).[22] The Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) claimed that Russian forces prevented Ukrainian attacks within 14km northwest of Svatove near Kuzemivka and Kolomyichykha and within 2km north of Kreminna near Zhytlivka.[23] A Russian mil blogger claimed that Ukrainian forces have reached Chervonopopivka (6km north of Kreminna) and that Russian forces no longer control part of the P-66 highway north of Kreminna.[24] The Russian mil blogger claimed that Ukrainian forces are increasing the pace of their counteroffensive operations in eastern Kharkiv and western Luhansk oblasts.[25] The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Ukrainian forces repelled a Russian assault near Chervonopopivka, further indicating that Ukrainian forces have likely made advances in the area.[26] A prominent Russian milblogger’s map posted on December 3 similarly shows Chervonopopivka outside of the Russian area of control.[27] The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Russian forces continued routine indirect fire along the line of contact in eastern Ukraine.[28]

Ukrainian forces continued to strike Russian force concentration areas and logistics nodes in Luhansk Oblast. The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Ukrainian forces struck a Russian force concentration on December 2 in the vicinity of Starobilsk, killing 14 Russian personnel and wounding 30.[29] Russian sources claimed on December 3 that Ukrainian forces struck Khoroshe, Starobilsk, Svatove, and Novochervone in Luhansk Oblast with HIMARS rockets.[30]

Russian Main Effort—Eastern Ukraine

Russian Subordinate Main Effort—Donetsk Oblast (Russian objective: Capture the entirety of Donetsk Oblast, the claimed territory of Russia’s proxies in Donbas)

Russian forces continued to conduct offensive operations around Bakhmut on December 3. The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Ukrainian forces repelled Russian assaults within 13km northeast of Bakhmut near Soledar and within 4km south of Bakhmut near Opytne.[31] Russian mil bloggers claimed that reports of Ukrainian forces withdrawing from the suburbs of Bakhmut are false and that serious fighting in Opytne is ongoing.[32] A separate Russian milblogger claimed on December 3 that Ukrainian forces attempted to break through Russian positions near Spirne (within 30km northeast of Bakhmut) and suffered heavy losses on December 2.[33] The Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) claimed that Ukrainian forces unsuccessfully attempted to regain lost positions south of Bakhmut near Andriivka and Kurdiumivka.[34]

Russian forces continued to conduct offensive operations in the Avdiiivka-Donetsk City area on December 3. The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Ukrainian forces repelled Russian assaults within 27km southwest of Avdiivka near Nevelske, Krasnohorivka, and Marinka.[35] A Russian mil blogger claimed that Ukrainian positions in the vicinity of Nevelske are heavily fortified and that Russian forces are finding it difficult to progress due to current conditions in the area.[36] Geolocated footage posted on December 3 shows Russian forces operating closer to Heorhiivka (within 30km southwest of Avdiivka).[37] The Russian MoD claimed that Ukrainian forces unsuccessfully attempted to regain lost positions near Avdiivka, and Marinka.[38]

Russian forces continued to conduct defensive operations in western Donetsk and eastern Zaporizhia oblasts on December 3. The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Russian forces are maintaining defensive lines in this section of the front.[39] The Russian MoD claimed that Russian forces repelled Ukrainian counterattacks within 111km southwest of Donetsk City near Solodke and Novomayorsk in western Donetsk Oblast and Shevchenka in eastern Zaporizhia Oblast.[40] The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Russian forces continued routine indirect fire along the line of contact in Donetsk and eastern Zaporizhia oblasts.[41]

Supporting Effort—Southern Axis (Russian objective: Maintain frontline positions and secure rear areas against Ukrainian strikes)

Note: ISW will report on activities in Kherson Oblast as part of the Southern Axis in this and subsequent updates. Ukraine’s counteroffensive in right-bank Kherson Oblast has accomplished its stated objectives, so ISW will not present a Southern Ukraine counteroffensive section until Ukrainian forces resume counteroffensives in southern Ukraine.

Russian forces continued defensive operations on the east (left) bank of the Dnipro River on December 3. Ukrainian military sources noted that Russian troops on the east bank are focused on defending previously captured lines and shelling recently liberated settlements on the west (right) bank of the Dnipro, particularly Kherson City.[42] Ukrainian sources additionally reported that Russian officials withdrew all Russian collaborators from Oleshky, a settlement on the east bank within 10km southeast of Kherson City.[43]

Ukrainian forces continued interdiction efforts against Russian concentration areas in the rear of Zaporizhia Oblast. The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Ukrainian strikes on Melitopol and Vasylivka on December 2 wounded up to 270 Russian personnel.[44] Ukrainian Mayor of Melitopol, Ivan Fedorov, stated that residents of Mykhailivka (north of Melitopol) reported loud explosions near the village, likely near a Russian concentration area.[45] Russian sources continued to claim that Ukrainian troops are massing near the Zaporizhia frontline for an attack into the Russian rear.[46] Russian forces continued routine fire along the line of contact in western Zaporizhia, Dnipropetrovsk, and Mykolaiv oblasts and notably conducted missile and rocket strikes on Zaporizhzhia City and Ochakiv, Mykolaiv Oblast.[47]

Mobilization and Force Generation Efforts (Russian objective: Expand combat power without conducting general mobilization)

Russian documents indicate that Russian authorities continue mobilizing Russian citizens despite Russian President Vladimir Putin’s announcement of the formal end of partial mobilization on October 31. A Russian Telegram channel dedicated to providing Russians legal support to avoid compulsory military service published a document dated November 29 from the Russian National Guard’s (Rosgvardia) Organizational and Staff Department.[48] The Rosgvardia document states that Putin’s announcement on the end of the mobilization selection (“набор”) does not mark the end of partial mobilization.[49] The document states that Putin’s initial mobilization decree continues to be in force and that “there are no legal grounds for dismissal from military service upon the expiration of service contract.”[50] This report is consistent with previous ISW findings that Russian entities are preparing for more mobilization efforts.[51] The Odintsovo garrison military court in Moscow Oblast inadvertently confirmed in mid-November that mobilization is continuing despite its formal end, for example.[52]

Russian occupation forces continue to mobilize Ukrainian citizens into Russian forces. The Ukrainian Resistance Center reported on December 3 that Russian authorities in occupied Makiivka, Donetsk Oblast, are preying on Ukrainian citizens who stand in lines to get bottled water to hand them mobilization summonses and ensure they are registered with the local military commissariat.[53]

Activity in Russian-occupied Areas (Russian objective: consolidate administrative control of occupied and annexed areas; forcibly integrate Ukrainian civilians into Russian sociocultural, economic, military, and governance systems)

Russian authorities are continuing to use judicial measures to consolidate administrative control of occupied territories. The Russian State Duma proposed a draft law on November 30 that introduces a provision according to which a criminal act committed on the territory of a new subject of the Russian Federation before September 30 (the date of the illegal annexation of Zaporizhia, Kherson, Donetsk, and Luhansk oblasts into the Russian Federation) will not be recognized as criminal or punishable under the Criminal Procedure Code or Criminal Code of the Russian Federation if it is deemed to be aimed at protecting the interests of Russia or the aforementioned subjects.[54] This draft law would essentially give Russian-controlled courts in occupied areas broad latitude to dismiss criminal cases on the grounds that the crimes were committed in pursuit of Russian interests. It is unclear what kinds of illegal acts the Russian Duma seeks to permit through this draft law. The Ukrainian Resistance Center notably reported that Russian-controlled courts in Crimea are using charges of “extremism” and “discrediting the Russian army” to intensify repressions against residents of Crimea.[55] These efforts intensify Russian control of the justice systems of occupied areas into the Russian criminal justice system in a way that will give Russian law broader discretion in determining and adjudicating what constitutes as legality in occupied areas.

Ukrainian sources reported that Ukrainian partisan activities are continuing to threaten Russian ground lines of communication (GLOCs) in the occupied Luhansk Oblast. Ukrainian Luhansk Oblast Head, Serhiy Haidai, stated that Ukrainian partisans set fire to automated railway control equipment near the Luhansk Power Station in Schastia, about 15km north of Luhansk City.[56] Haida noted that this attack will likely significantly complicate Russian efforts to transport equipment to the frontline by rail.[57] Such partisan actions in the rear of Luhansk Oblast may pose continued logistical challenges to Russian forces as they try to fortify the current frontline in western Luhansk Oblast as Ukrainian troops continue limited counteroffensive operations.

Note: ISW does not receive any classified material from any source, uses only publicly available information, and draws extensively on Russian, Ukrainian, and Western reporting and social media as well as commercially available satellite imagery and other geospatial data as the basis for these reports. References to all sources used are provided in the endnotes of each update.   


References

[1] https://t.me/aerocarlson/689

[2] https://t.me/aerocarlson/687

[3] https://isw.pub/UkrWar112722

[4] https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/macron-says-new-security-architectu...

[5] https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/macron-says-new-security-architectu...

[6] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/indicators-and-thresholds-...

[7] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/indicators-and-thresholds-...

[8] https://isw.pub/UkrWar120222

[9] https://www.levada. dot ru/2022/12/02/konflikt-s-ukrainoj-noyabr-2022-goda/

[10]  https://www.levada dot ru/2022/12/02/konflikt-s-ukrainoj-noyabr-2022-goda/

[11] https://www.levada dot ru/2022/12/02/konflikt-s-ukrainoj-noyabr-2022-goda/

[12] https://www.levada dot ru/2022/12/02/konflikt-s-ukrainoj-noyabr-2022-goda/

[13]https://www.understandingwar.org/sites/default/files/Russian%20Operation...

[14] https://t.me/vysokygovorit/10150    

[15] https://t.me/luhanskaVTSA/7198

[16] https://understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-ass...

[17] https://t.me/modmilby/20479 ; https://t.me/modmilby/20478 ;

[18] https://eng.belta dot by/president/view/lukashenko-to-shoigu-neither-russia-nor-belarus-wants-any-war-155147-2022/

[19] https://isw.pub/UkrWar112122 ; https://isw.pub/RusCampaignSept29

[20] http://www.irna.ir/news/84960327

[21]https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid0bP8MfPdeou9CTkyxZ6U...

[22] https://t.me/luhanskaVTSA/7210

[23] https://t.me/mod_russia/22311  

[24] https://t.me/wargonzo/9569

[25] https://t.me/wargonzo/9569

[26]https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ioJddEzePNZD3mJUXh...

[27] https://t.me/wargonzo/9569

[28]https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ioJddEzePNZD3mJUXh...

[29]https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid0bP8MfPdeou9CTkyxZ6U...

[30] https://t.me/miroshnik_r/9772 ; https://t.me/millnr/9828  

[31]https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ioJddEzePNZD3mJUXh...

[32] https://t.me/brussinf/5271 ; https://t.me/boris_rozhin/71855

[33] https://t.me/evgeniy_lisitsyn/1735 

[34] https://t.me/mod_russia/22311

[35]https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02ioJddEzePNZD3mJUXh...

[36] https://t.me/rybar/41678

[37] https://twitter.com/GeoConfirmed/status/1599065348653056000 

[38] https://t.me/mod_russia/22311

[39]https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid0bP8MfPdeou9CTkyxZ6U...

[40] https://t.me/mod_russia/22311  

[41]https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid0bP8MfPdeou9CTkyxZ6U...

[42] https://t.me/khersonskaODA/2245; https://t.me/khersonskaODA/2236; http...

[43] https://sprotyv.mod.gov dot ua/2022/12/03/rosiyany-vyvezly-vsih-kolaborantiv-z-oleshok/; https://t.me/hueviyherson/30292

[44]https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid0bP8MfPdeou9CTkyxZ6U...

[45] https://t.me/ivan_fedorov_melitopol/981

[46] https://t.me/vrogov/6326

[47] https://t.me/mykolaivskaODA/3651; https://t.me/zoda_gov_ua/15187; http...

[48] https://t.me/military_ombudsmen/737

[49] https://t.me/military_ombudsmen/737

[50] https://t.me/military_ombudsmen/737

[51] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign...

[52] https://pravo.ru/news/243908/

[53] https://sprotyv.mod.gov dot ua/2022/12/03/v-makiyivczi-okupanty-rozdavaly-povistky-pry-vydachi-vody/

[54] duma.gov dot ru/news/55882/; sozd.duma dot gov.ru/bill/246425-8

[55] https://sprotyv.mod.gov.ua/2022/12/02/vorog-posylyv-represiyi-v-tymchaso...

[56] https://t.me/serhiy_hayday/8814

[57] https://t.me/serhiy_hayday/8814

 

 Attachments: 


Ukraine Crisis Updates

Mapping the Theaterisation of Operational Commands

 SOURCE:  

(   )   https://thewire.in/security/india-military-operational-commands-theatres-map-proposal

(   )   https://www.youtube.com/hashtag/theatrecommand

(   )  https://youtu.be/HVeeqKAt9t8

: Theatre Command | 18 Dec, 2021

                                                         

SECURITY

     India's military needs a fundamental change of approach towards power projection,  overseas strategic interests, overseas bases, and operational theatres. 

Admiral Raja Menon 


Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) Lt General Anil Chauhan during a Guard of Honour, in New Delhi, September 30, 2022. 


Among the old and valuable books collected over a lifetime by this author is the 1935 Gazette of India (maps). One of the maps included is that of the military commands of India, which, though not expressly stated, was meant to keep India under British control. 


The military divisions of India under the British in a map issued in 1909. Photo: Archaeological Survey of India, Public Domain

Transit from that now irrelevant map to a map of operational theatres primarily requires a fundamental change of approach towards power projection, overseas strategic interests, overseas bases, and operational theatres. 

In the work given to India’s chief of defense staff (CDS), there is a huge foreign office component, which will presumably be provided by appropriate officers. It is common knowledge that in the case of US theatre commands – for instance in the US Pacific Command – there are two foreign office staffers of ambassadorial rank. 

Assuming that the CDS has been given carte blanche to draw lines beyond the boundaries of India, the first operational theatre that comes to mind is the Western Theatre Command (see map below). 

                     India’s Operational Theatres: A Proposal. Map: The Wire


This command will face west and follow the theatre boundaries shown, to include Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, and Syria and then south along the Mediterranean coast to include the Suez Canal and then follow the western shore to the Red Sea, rejoining the Indian coast in North Kerala. This command will include the Indian strategic geographical interests of the straits of Hormuz, the Suez Canal, the Red Sea, and the Bab El Mandab. This theatre will require expeditionary air power, based on Masirah (Oman) and Djibouti, where there is sufficient vacant land between the US’s Camp Lemonier and the Chinese base to the north. Sea power is guaranteed as the oceans are indivisible. 

The operational headquarters of the Western theatre would be in Chandigarh under a four-star officer. The importance of the Western theatre will include the interests of 4 million Indians in the Gulf countries, the balance of power between the ‘Shia crescent’ in Iran, Iraq, and beyond, and the (Sunni) Arab alignment with Israel. This geographical area is of importance for future regional stability as the United States has already discovered its enormous bases and the stationing of the 5th fleet. As hydrocarbons get wasted by the middle of this century, the uncertain power shifts will lead to vast instabilities dominated by Iran, the biggest power demographically. 

India’s Northern Theatre Command should, elegantly speaking, deal with the one great continental threat – China. The Chinese themselves have one general commanding their southwest command, which deals with the Indian and Nepal borders, and we should do the same. With more than half a million men under arms, it is clearly a four-star officer’s command, with at least two separate armies under him. The Air Force portion is also very large, which will require that the Indian Air Force thinks in terms of an intermediate command level between air bases and air command, in the form of the US Air Force which has a separate command for air forces eg., the 5th Air Force state in Yokota (Tokyo), Japan. 

There are many advantages to having one theatre command to deal with China as, at that level, it is clearly a politico-military matter. Similarly, the air assets would solely be allocated to the Northern command without the air force commander having dual responsibility. There is also the issue of an inevitable army downsizing since the PLA is considerably fewer in number than the Indian army. It is a moot question whether the reduction should be borne by the Northern command or by the Western, facing a degrading Pakistan. The Northern command would be commanded by a four-star officer alternating between the Indian Army and the IAF, based at Lucknow. 

The Eastern Theatre Command would include the ASEAN nations with a land link to Vietnam’s defenses. In many ways, this will be the critical theatre of the 21st century, as the juxtaposition of China and India makes this area the fulcrum and the chosen area to exploit the Revolution in Military affairs as well as the advantage that the Quad confers in the form of intelligence of the Indo-Pacific. 

This area is woefully deficient in Indian air power and an air base is essential, to be included in the infrastructure proposed to be built in Great Nicobar. From the Indian standpoint, the area of the decision or, the chosen battlespace, is the exit to the Malacca straits carrying 65% of China’s oil and the info-dominance that the Quad confers on traffic, both civilian and military transiting the straits. 

Both the Western and Eastern theatres require overseas air bases, and if there is any reluctance by the air force to go expeditionary, like the US Air Force, Indian air power will have to come from aircraft carriers. The RMA necessitates air as well as info dominance, and of all our theatres, this is critical in the Eastern one. This is because only the Eastern theatre is conducive to offensive oceanic counter-action against China, whereas geography is most unfavorable to India in the Northern theatre. All the more reason for designating this theatre as the fulcrum of a contest with China. This command would be headed by a four-star officer alternating between the three services. 

Chinese dredging vessels are purportedly seen in the waters around Mischief Reef in the disputed Spratly Islands in the South China Sea in this still image from video taken by a P-8A Poseidon surveillance aircraft provided by the United States Navy May 21, 2015. Photo: Reuters/US Navy

The Southern Theatre Command is clearly a largely maritime command with relatively high responsibility for maritime operation and power projection. As Mahan explained in his seminal work, the dominance of the vast ocean is dependent on bases. In the absence of bases, friendly relations with the island nations and the littoral of Africa would suffice, backed by an adequate power projection capability. The army component of this theatre command would be provided by two amphibious brigades based at Port Blair and Thiruvananthapuram, backed by a para brigade. The heart of the operational thrust of this command would be the third aircraft carrier, which clearly must be a large carrier with the ability to project power. Similarly, the Thanjavur air base would require to be augmented with combat aircraft. 

Any officer who has worked on theaterization would acknowledge that difficult though the task is, the hardest nut to crack is the question of the residual static commands. These commands perform a huge administrative function, earlier combined with the task of territorial defense. The static areas, such as the Tamil Nadu, Andhra, and Karnataka sub-areas, and the command of the Southern Naval Area, will continue to be relevant after theaterization. The internal area commands would therefore need to be partly rationalized and partly redesignated as ‘areas’, such as Southern Naval Area, Eastern India Area, and so on, reporting, as before to their respective service chiefs. The C-in-C Southern Command would, for instance, be redesignated as Commander, South India, removing all outward-looking operational tasks from his jurisdiction. 

This also explains why theatre commanders need necessarily to be of four-star rank. At present, there are something like 17 commands. Actual operational commands would now be reduced to four, and hence, the preservation of career prospects in all three services would require the operational theatre commanders to be of four-star rank with the CDS being a five-star officer. 

The service chiefs would retain the greater part of their administrative, training, and logistics role, running their duties through the commanders of static areas. For instance, the former army commander, of the southern command would be divested of his operational role while reporting to his chief for the efficient functioning of the Maharashtra sub-area, the Tamil Nadu, Andhra, and Karnataka sub-area, the Madras Engineer Group training center, the DSSC, Wellington, the College of Military Engineering at Pune and myriad other institutions. So, therefore, after instituting the theatre commands, the overall vacancies would be just marginally better off than at present, so as not to destabilize the career pattern in all three services. 

Theaterisation will also involve a major PR exercise abroad to suppress any rumors of New Delhi being territorially overambitious –  a job that will have to be executed by the Ministry of External Affairs. Alternatively, theaterisation can be postponed to when India’s GDP crosses $5 trillion, so that the establishment of theatres coincides with increased economic heft. The armed forces must be firm on the command structure proposed, headed by a five-star officer, as is the practice in other countries. The responsibilities of each theatre make it imperative that they be headed by a four-star officer. The civilian bureaucracy may resist this, but that is where the political leadership will have to ensure theaterisation is not held hostage to administrative games.

Admiral Raja Menon was a career officer and a submarine specialist in the Indian Navy. He commanded seven ships and submarines before retiring in 1994 as assistant chief of naval staff (operations).