Monday, December 12, 2022

RUSSIAN OFFENSIVE CAMPAIGN ASSESSMENT, DECEMBER 12, 2022.

 (   )  https://youtu.be/bjnNdaNC0vU


ASSESSMENT

RUSSIAN OFFENSIVE CAMPAIGN, DECEMBER 12,2022.

Karolina Hird, Kateryna Stepanenko, Grace Mappes, Layne Philipson, George Barros, Madison Williams, Yekaterina Klepanchuk, and Frederick W. Kagan

December 12, 7 pm ET 

Click here to see ISW’s interactive map of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. This map is updated daily alongside the static maps present in this report.

Russian forces are continuing to shape and consolidate their force composition in eastern Ukraine to bolster defenses against ongoing Ukrainian counteroffensives near the Kharkiv-Luhansk Oblast border and support limited offensive efforts in Donetsk Oblast. An independent Ukrainian analytical organization, the Center for Defense Strategies, noted on December 12 that the Russians are centralizing and systematizing the command and control of Western Military District (WMD) troops in the Kharkiv-Luhansk direction.[1] The Center noted that the 20th Combined Arms Army of the WMD is currently operating in this area in three general groupings: elements of the 144th Motorized Rifle Division near Svatove; elements of the 3rd Motorized Rifle Division on the Kreminna-Rubizhne line; and elements of the 18th Motorized Rifle Division of the 11th Army Corps in northwestern Luhansk Oblast near Troitske.[2] The Center also reported that elements of the 1st and 2nd Army Corps (troops of the Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics, respectively), 76th Air Assault Division and 106th Airborne Division, and up to three BARS (Combat Reserve) detachments, amounting up to 15 to 17 battalions, are concentrated in this general area.[3] These troop concentrations are likely significantly degraded and understrength.

ISW has previously observed WMD elements operating throughout Kharkiv Oblast prior to the sweeping Ukrainian counteroffensives in September that ultimately drove Russian troops back to the current line along the Kharkiv-Luhansk Oblast border.[4] Russian and Ukrainian reporting has additionally suggested that there is a high concentration of mobilized personnel operating on this axis, likely in order to fill gaps in WMD units that have been degraded over the course of ongoing Ukrainian counteroffensives in northeastern Ukraine.[5] BARS-13 and BARS-16 detachments have been particularly active along the Svatove-Kreminna line.[6] Elements of the Central Military District (CMD) have previously been observed in the Severodonetsk-Lysychansk area.[7] The observation that elements of the Russian Airborne Forces (VDV) are operating in Luhansk Oblast suggests that they redeployed away from the west (right) bank of Kherson Oblast, where ISW previously reported they were operating prior to the massive Russian withdrawal from the right bank.[8] The current force composition of the Russian contingent in eastern Kherson is unclear. Elements of the Russian Southern Military District (SMD) likely maintain a presence in occupied Kherson and Zaporizhia Oblasts.[9]

Wagner Group fighters, supported by elements of the 1st and 2nd Army Corps, are largely responsible for driving offensive operations in Donetsk Oblast, particularly around Bakhmut and the western outskirts of Donetsk City. ISW has previously reported the role of Wagner Group forces in securing minor gains around Bakhmut over the last few months.[10] Troops of the 6th Regiment of the Luhansk People’s Republic (LNR) 2nd Army Corps have been active northeast of Bakhmut in the Soledar area.[11] ISW has additionally observed the prevalence of groupings of the Donetsk People’s Republic (DNR) 1st Army Corps in the Donetsk City–Avdiivka area, particularly the “Sparta” and “Somalia” battalions, which have claimed gains along the western outskirts of Donetsk City in areas such as Pisky, Vodiane, and Marinka. DNR elements have notably been active in this area since 2014. Russian sources reported that DNR troops, elements of the Russian Eastern Military District (EMD), and the 155th Naval Infantry Brigade and 40th Separate Naval Infantry Brigade of the Pacific Fleet were responsible for costly offensive operations southwest of Donetsk City in the Vuhledar-Pavlivka area in November.[12]

The cost of the Russian war in Ukraine will likely continue to undermine Russian President Vladimir Putin’s geopolitical campaigns worldwide. The UK Ministry of Defense (MoD) reported on December 11 that Putin signed a law allocating over nine trillion rubles (approximately $143 billion) for defense, security, and law enforcement for the 2023 budget. That amount is about 8 percent of Russia’s 2021 gross domestic product according to the World Bank.[13] The UK MoD assessed that Russia’s defense spending significantly increased and will represent over 30% of Russia’s entire 2023 budget.[14] Putin is thus continuing to drain his budget into his war in Ukraine and may need to defund other international or domestic campaigns in the process. ISW has long assessed that Russian forces have been moving equipment and personnel from other conflict zones such as Syria and Nagorno-Karabakh and may deprioritize other combat and soft-power engagements in favor of sustaining a protracted war in Ukraine.[15]

Putin is seemingly still unwilling to sacrifice his geopolitical initiatives in the short-term, however, and risks facing a financial predicament in which he will not be able to balance maximalist goals in Ukraine with his global power projection campaigns. Putin, for example, has continued attempts to reestablish Russia’s position in Central Asia by unsuccessfully proposing to create a trilateral union among Russia, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan in late November and during a meeting of the Supreme Eurasian Economic Council in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, on December 9.[16] Putin’s continued spending on regional soft-power initiatives has already upset a few prominent pro-war milbloggers, who had criticized the Kremlin for reportedly allocating almost six billion rubles (about $95.5 million) for the development of Russian-language schools in Tajikistan while failing to provide for Russian forces on the battlefield.[17] The milbloggers added that the Kremlin is not effectively leveraging its soft power in Tajikistan, which further brings the necessity of such spending into question.

The Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) officially denied rumors that Russian Chief of the General Staff Army General Valery Gerasimov has been or soon will be replaced, although it stopped short of offering the kind of credible support for this denial that it has provided to demonstrate that Minister of Defense Sergei Shoigu is still on the jobA prominent Russian media aggregator circulated a claim on December 11 that Gerasimov may soon be replaced.[18] The claim reportedly originated with unidentified Russian mil bloggers, and some Russian sources either amplified the claim or cautioned their audiences to not engage with such rumors.[19] The Russian MoD directly denied Gerasimov’s resignation or replacement, called the claims a Ukrainian “fake,” and provided links to images that supposedly show Gerasimov carrying out official duties over the last few weeks.[20] The Russian MoD has previously displayed similar sensitivity to reports of Gerasimov either resigning or being replaced and directly responded to refute such claims, as ISW reported in July.[21] This concerted effort to prove Gerasimov is still functioning as Chief of the General Staff suggests that Russian MoD is attempting to present Russian military leadership as present and engaged in Russian military affairs and to counteract reports of massive disruptions and incoherencies in Russian command structure due to widespread failures in Ukraine.[22] Despite this apparent interest in maintaining Gerasimov’s reputation, the Russian MoD has failed to provide video evidence of his activities, which it has consistently done with Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu and should be able to do easily for the chief of the general staff.[23]

Ukrainian Defense Minister Oleksii Reznikov stated that Ukraine intends to continue counteroffensives in winter 2022–2023 after the hard freeze enables maneuver warfare, supporting an ISW assessment.[24] Reznikov stated on December 11 that Ukraine will resume counteroffensives after the “ground is firmer” during the winter when responding to a question about US Director for National Intelligence (DNI) Avril Haines’s forecast that Ukraine is likely to conduct counteroffensives in the spring rather than the winter.[25] Reznikov previously stated on December 6 that Ukraine needs artillery ammunition, armored vehicles, tanks, and combat aircraft to support Ukrainian counteroffensives.[26]

Senior US government officials may be correcting their assessments about Ukraine’s ability and intent to conduct counteroffensive operations this winter. Voice of America National Security Correspondent Jeff Seldin reported that an unnamed senior US military official stated, “We know the Ukrainians can fight and fight well under these [winter] conditions" on December 12.[27] DNI Haines previously mistakenly identified the optimal window of opportunity for Ukraine to conduct more counteroffensives as the spring rather than winter on December 3.[28] ISW previously assessed that Ukraine likely seeks to conduct successive operations through the winter of 2022–2023.[29]

The UK MoD assessed that Russia still likely aims to retain control over all its occupied Ukrainian territory, supporting ISW’s recent assessment that the Kremlin likely maintains its maximalist objectives in Ukraine.[30] The UK MoD assessed that Russian military leadership still intends to make additional advances within Donetsk Oblast but that the current Russian military strategy is highly unlikely to allow Moscow to accomplish that goal.[31] ISW previously assessed that Kremlin Spokesperson Dmitry Peskov’s December 8 statements defining Russian territorial goals as controlling all of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhia oblasts remain maximalist given his restatement of Putin’s February 24 goals of “demilitarization” and “denazification” of Ukraine, which would inhibit Ukraine’s ability to resist future Russian military or subversion campaigns.[32]

Key Takeaways

  • Russian forces are continuing to shape and consolidate their force composition in eastern Ukraine to bolster defenses against ongoing Ukrainian counteroffensives near the Kharkiv-Luhansk Oblast border and support limited offensive efforts in Donetsk Oblast.

  • The cost of the Russian war in Ukraine will likely continue to undermine Russian President Vladimir Putin’s geopolitical campaigns worldwide.

  • The Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) officially denied rumors that Russian Chief of the General Staff Army General Valery Gerasimov has been or soon will be replaced, although it stopped short of offering the kind of credible support for this denial that it has provided that Minister of Defense Sergei Shoigu is still on the job.

  • Ukrainian Defense Minister Oleksii Reznikov stated that Ukraine intends to continue counteroffensives in winter 2022–2023 after the hard freeze enables maneuver warfare, supporting an ISW assessment.

  • Senior US government officials may be correcting their assessments about Ukraine’s ability and intent to conduct counteroffensive operations this winter.

  • Russian forces continued limited ground attacks near Svatove and Kreminna as Ukrainian forces struck rear areas in Luhansk Oblast.

  • Russian forces continued ground attacks in the Bakhmut and Avdiivka–Donetsk City areas and conducted defensive operations southwest of Donetsk City.

  • Ukrainian forces continued to target Russian military assets and logistics hubs along critical ground lines of communication (GLOCs) in southern Ukraine.

  • Russian forces are fortifying the northern beaches of Crimea along the Black Sea coast.

  • Russian forces may lack sufficient infrastructure to support their troops in Crimea.

We do not report in detail on Russian war crimes because those activities are well-covered in Western media and do not directly affect the military operations we are assessing and forecasting. We will continue to evaluate and report on the effects of these criminal activities on the Ukrainian military and population and specifically on combat in Ukrainian urban areas. We utterly condemn these Russian violations of the laws of armed conflict, Geneva Conventions, and humanity even though we do not describe them in these reports.

  • Ukrainian Counteroffensives—Eastern Ukraine
  • Russian Main Effort—Eastern Ukraine (comprised of one subordinate and one supporting effort)
  • Russian Subordinate Main Effort—Capture the entirety of Donetsk Oblast
  • Russian Supporting Effort—Southern Axis
  • Russian Mobilization and Force Generation Efforts
  • Activities in Russian-occupied Areas

Ukrainian Counteroffensives (Ukrainian efforts to liberate Russian-occupied territories)

Eastern Ukraine: (Eastern Kharkiv Oblast-Western Luhansk Oblast)

Russian forces conducted limited counterattacks near Svatove in order to regain lost positions on December 11 and 12. The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Ukrainian troops repelled Russian attacks 15km west of Svatove near Andriivka and 15km northwest of Svatove near Novoselivske and Stelmakhivka between December 11 and 12.[33] Geolocated footage posted on December 11 and 12 shows a Ukrainian tank destroying a Russian tank from positions in the western part of Novoselivske, suggesting that Ukrainian troops maintain control of part of the settlement despite previous Russian claims that Russian troops had taken full control in the prior weeks.[34] A Russian source posted footage of Russian troops launching TOS-1A thermobaric rockets  from positions near Kuzemivka, 11km northwest of Svatove.[35] Geolocated footage posted on December 10 additionally shows a Russian heavy equipment transport truck carrying a T-90M battle tank just north of Luhansk City, about 118km southeast of Svatove.[36] This footage is consistent with previous reports that Russian troops are using Luhansk City as a transportation hub for equipment destined for the Svatove-Kreminna front.[37]

Russian forces continued limited offensive actions to regain lost positions west of Kreminna on December 11 and 12. The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Russian troops conducted unsuccessful attacks near Chervonopopivka and Zhytlivka (both within 5km north of Kreminna), Makiivka (22km northwest of Kreminna), and Bilohorivka and Serebrianka (both about 10km south of Kreminna).[38] Russian mil bloggers claimed that the Kreminna front, especially along the Makiivka-Kreminna line, is the most difficult axis of advance in Ukraine with the exception of Bakhmut.[39] Several Russian mil bloggers claimed that Ukrainian troops have been losing ground around Kreminna and that Russian troops have made significant gains west of the R66 (Svatove-Kreminna) highway between December 11 and 12, although ISW has not observed visual confirmation of these claims.[40] Russian sources widely reported that the most intense fighting is occurring northwest of Kreminna, particularly in the Chervonopopivka-Zhytlivka-Ploshchanka pocket.[41]

Ukrainian forces continued to strike Russian concentration areas in the rear of Luhansk Oblast on December 11 and 12. Ukrainian Luhansk Oblast Head Serhiy Haidai stated on December 11 that Ukrainian troops struck a hotel in Kadiivka (60km southeast of Kreminna) where Wagner Group fighters were reportedly staying.[42] Haidai noted that Wagner's forces suffered high losses as a result of the strike.[43] Ukrainian strikes also targeted Russian forces in a hostel in Svatove, causing extensive damage to the building.[44]

Russian Main Effort—Eastern Ukraine

Russian Subordinate Main Effort—Donetsk Oblast (Russian objective: Capture the entirety of Donetsk Oblast, the claimed territory of Russia’s proxies in Donbas)

Russian forces continued ground attacks around Bakhmut on December 11 and 12. An unnamed US military official stated that Wagner Group and Russian forces are engaged in intense battles for Bakhmut and committing significant resources to maintain the pace but noted that Ukrainian forces “continue to hold the line.”[45] The spokesperson for Ukraine’s Eastern Group of Forces Colonel Serhiy Cherevaty stated that Russian forces have changed their tactical force composition in the Bakhmut direction by switching from using the company and battalion tactical groups (BTGs) to using assault units to perform purely offensive tasks.[46]  The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Ukrainian forces repelled Russian assaults near Bakhmut and settlements northeast of the city in Bilohorivka, Verkhnokamianske, Soledar, Bakhmutske, and Pidhorodne, on December 11 and 12.[47] Russian sources claimed that Wagner forces stormed Pidhorodne to partially encircle Bakhmut on December 12.[48] Geolocated footage showed a destroyed railway bridge over the E40 (M-03) highway northwest of Pidhorone, which Russian sources claimed to be one of two remaining main ground lines of communications (GLOCs) into Bakhmut.[49] Russian sources claimed Ukrainian forces blew up the bridge to create an artificial barricade on the E40 towards Slovyansk.[50] A Russian source also claimed that Wagner assault detachments established control over two former Ukrainian platoon positions on the Bakhmut-Soledar line approaching a highway connecting the settlements, likely referring to the T1302 highway.[51] Russian sources also claimed that Wagner Group forces advanced near Opytne (3km south of Bakhmut) and that fighting is ongoing in the area.[52] A Russian source claimed that Wagner Group forces launched attacks from the Andriivka area (9km southwest of Bakhmut) against unspecified settlements and claimed that fighting is ongoing east of Bakhmut, noting that Ukrainian forces are not retreating from the city.[53]Another Russian source claimed that the Donetsk People’s Republic (DNR) forces are attempting to advance east towards Toretsk (23km southwest of Bakhmut) with artillery support.[54]

Russian forces continued ground attacks in the Avdiivka–Donetsk City area on December 11 and 12. The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Ukrainian forces repelled Russian attacks on Krasnohorivka (19km west of Donetsk City), Marinka (on the southwestern outskirts of Donetsk City), and Novomykhailivka (about 25km southwest of Donetsk City) on December 12.[55] DNR Head Denis Pushilin claimed that Russian forces control 70% of Marinka on December 12.[56] Russian sources claimed that Russian forces failed to break through Ukrainian defenses along Druzhba Street in the center of Marinka but that fighting is ongoing.[57] Russian sources claimed that Ukrainian forces are trying to regain control of Pisky (on the northwestern outskirts of Donetsk City) and that Russian forces thwarted a Ukrainian counterattack in the area on December 12.[58]  Russian sources claimed that Russian forces made marginal advances toward Pervomaiske and Vodyane on the northwestern outskirts of Donetsk City on December 11 and 12.[59] ISW is unable to confirm the veracity of the milbloggers’ or Pushilin’s claims.

Russian forces conducted defensive operations in western Donetsk Oblast on December 11 and 12. The Ukrainian General Staff reported on December 11 that Russian forces are defending their positions near Vuhledar, Velyka Novosilka (31km northwest of Vuhledar), Zolota Nyva (19km northwest of Vuhledar), and Pavlivka (3km southwest of Vuhledar).[60] Russian sources claimed that Russian forces made marginal advances towards Velyka Novosilka on December 11 and 12.[61] Russian sources boasted about a Ukrainian retreat in this area while a Ukrainian source stated that Ukrainian defenses halted a Russian advance.[62] A Russian mil blogger claimed on December 11 that Russian forces massed as if preparing for a full ground attack but only conducted reconnaissance-in-force near Velyka Novosilka and claimed such an act indicates poor readiness.[63] The Russian MoD claimed that Russian forces repelled a Ukrainian attempt to advance towards Neskuchne (33km west of Vuhledar) on December 11.[64] Russian forces continued routine indirect fire along the line of contact in western Donetsk and eastern Zaporizhia oblasts on December 11 and 12.[65]

Supporting Effort—Southern Axis (Russian objective: Maintain frontline positions and secure rear areas against Ukrainian strikes)

Russian forces continued to strengthen defensive positions in Kherson Oblast amid poor weather conditions on December 11 and 12. Ukraine’s Southern Operational Command stated that there is a heavy fog in Kherson Oblast with low visibility and icy roads, making road transportation difficult.[66] Ukrainian Tavria Defense Force Grouping Spokesperson Yevheny Yerin stated that Russian forces are redeploying units in the Kherson direction, strengthening defensive lines, and conducting sabotage and reconnaissance operations.[67] Yerin stated that Russian forces aim to establish observation posts on islands in the Dnipro River delta southwest of Kherson City.[68] Ukrainian and Russian sources stated that Russian forces continued to shell areas on the west (right) bank of the Dnipro River on December 11 and 12, including Kherson City and its environs.[69]

Ukrainian forces continued to target Russian military assets and logistics hubs along critical ground lines of communication (GLOCs) in southern Ukraine. Geolocated footage shows the aftermath of a strike against a restaurant-hotel complex in Melitopol, Zaporizhia Oblast overnight on December 10–11, which Ukrainian Melitopol Mayor Ivan Fedorov said Russian forces used as a base for the Federal Security Services (FSB) and to quarter soldiers.[70] Fedorov also stated that Ukrainian forces struck a Russian checkpoint and logistics hub in Bohdanivka and a radar station in Semenivka, both northeast of Melitopol, and two Russian military bases in Polohy and Maiske just south of the frontline.[71] Fedorov added that these strikes collectively killed dozens of Russian military personnel and wounded over 200 servicemen.[72] The Ukrainian Zaporizhia Oblast Military Administration stated on December 11 that Ukrainian strikes in an unspecified area of Zaporizhia Oblast injured over 150 Russian military personnel.[73] Russian and Ukrainian sources reported that Ukrainian forces struck areas along the east (left) bank of the Dnipro River in Kherson Oblast, including Oleshky and Hola Prystan, and rear areas in eastern Kherson Oblast including Skadovsk, Chaplynka, and Radensk on December 11 and 12.[74]

Russian forces continued to conduct routine fire west of Hulyaipole and in Dnipropetrovsk and Mykolaiv oblasts on December 11 and 12.[75] Russian forces struck Nikopol and Marhanets, Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, and Ochakiv, Mykolaiv Oblast on December 11 and 12.[76] Russian sources expressed continued concern that Ukrainian forces are preparing for a counteroffensive along the Zaporizhia Oblast front line.[77]

Russian forces are fortifying the northern beaches of Crimea along the Black Sea coast. An image posted on December 10 shows that Russian forces are digging trenches along a beach in Chornomorske, Crimea (124km south of Kherson City).[78] The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Russian occupation authorities in Crimea are strengthening law enforcement and counterintelligence measures in Chornomorske and Mizhvodne, both along the northwestern beachline and the T0107 highway that connects northwestern coastal areas of Crimea to Simferopol and other rear areas.[79] Some Russian mil bloggers claimed that pictures of these fortifications are instead part of an effort to restore Crimean beaches for tourism, but it remains unclear how digging trenchlike fortifications would assist such restoration efforts.[80] Russian forces may be concerned about a possible future Ukrainian amphibious counteroffensive against Crimea from across the Black Sea.

Note: ISW will report on activities in Kherson Oblast as part of the Southern Axis in this and subsequent updates. Ukraine’s counteroffensive in right-bank Kherson Oblast has accomplished its stated objectives, so ISW will not present a Southern Ukraine counteroffensive section until Ukrainian forces resume counteroffensives in southern Ukraine.

Mobilization and Force Generation Efforts (Russian objective: Expand combat power without conducting general mobilization)

Russian forces are lacking the sufficient infrastructure to support their troops in Crimea. Russian mil bloggers claimed that the 1472nd Naval Clinical Hospital in Sevastopol is facing blood donor supply shortages for wounded Russian personnel.[81] The milbloggers claimed that the hospital staff notified the Russian military command of lacking commercially provided supplies for blood collection but had not received any support in rectifying the problem. The milbloggers stated that the main cause of the shortage of supplies is the hospitals’ lack of budgetary provisions for blood-transfusion-related materials in 2022 and implied that corruption is at play. Russian forces are also likely experiencing supply shortages as a result of the damage to the Kerch Strait Bridge. Russian President Vladimir Putin noted on December 9 that he expects Russia to repair the road bridge in March and railway lines in mid-summer, which is likely going to continue to challenge Russia’s ability to supply forces.[82]

The Russian siloviki group — members of the Russian elite with paramilitary institutions — are continuing to recruit personnel into their forces. Russian opposition outlet Meduza spoke with servicemen from Ingushetia and employees of the Russian Special Forces (SPETSNAZ) University in Grozny, Chechen Republic, who had implied that Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov is recruiting volunteers from Ingushetia in return for political favors.[83] Meduza’s report noted that Kadyrov supports the Sufi brotherhood in Ingushetia, which has been declining in popularity in the region since the early 2010s, in exchange for volunteers to deploy to Ukraine. Employees of the SPETSNAZ University stated that Chechnya has already deployed about 10,000 volunteers from the university after only two weeks of training, and Kadyrov continues to consistently advertise the deployment of volunteer units.[84] Kursk Oblast Governor Roman Starovoit also announced that the Kursk Territorial Defense, or the “Patriot People’s Squad,” plans to recruit 6,000 people.[85] ISW previously reported that Wagner Group financier Yevgeny Prigozhin had made comments suggesting that he has a connection to newly announced territorial defense units in Belgorod and Kursk oblasts.[86]

Ukrainian officials are increasingly warning about the Russian Armed Forces intensifying their forced mobilization campaigns in occupied Luhansk and Zaporizhia oblasts ahead of a predicted second mobilization wave in Russia. The Ukrainian Resistance Center stated that Russian forces are searching for and distributing summonses to Ukrainian men ahead of the new Russian mobilization wave scheduled for January–February 2023.[87] The Ukrainian General Staff reported that Russian forces are forcefully mobilizing Ukrainian men in an effort to replenish elements operating in the Severodonetsk direction and are enforcing strict movement restrictions on men residing in Khrystalnyi on the Donetsk-Luhansk Oblast administrative border.[88] Ukrainian local officials in exile reported that Russian forces are also forcefully mobilizing men in Dovzhansk, Luhansk Oblast (near the Russian border) and Melitopol, Zaporizhia Oblast.[89] Ukrainian officials did not specify if and where Russian forces would train these mobilized forces, and an advisor to the mayor of Mariupol, Petro Andryushenko, noted that Russian forces built a second training camp for mobilized Russians in the suburbs of Mariupol.[90]

The Kremlin continues to struggle to address issues with administering payments to mobilized men and is attempting to deflect the blame for payment delays from Russian President Vladimir Putin. The Kremlin has adopted rules for the distribution of one-time payments of 195,000 rubles (about $3,100) to the mobilized and contract servicemen.[91] Russian servicemen will need to return the one-time payments if their spouses open financial accounts abroad, fund entrepreneurial activities, or if the serviceman commits a crime. The rules also call on servicemen to return portions of their payments if they break their contracts with the Russian Armed Forces. Russian officials are likely to continue to struggle with providing these one-time payments that more than double the normal Russian salaries and are part of an effort to preempt further protests among servicemen and their relatives. Zaporizhia Oblast Occupation Administration Council member Vladimir Rogov stated that mobilized men should not contact Russian President Vladimir Putin or the Russian Ministry of Defense (MoD) if they have not received their one-time payments but should instead file complaints with their commanders.[92] Rogov’s request is likely an attempt to deflect blame from the Russian leadership that actually has the authority to authorize these payments.

Russian mobilized men and their instructors are continuing to describe issues with lack of equipment and supplies, however. A combat training instructor of the 247th Air Assault Regiment from Stavropol and his mobilized subordinates published a video appeal complaining about a lack of clothes and supplies, as well as unsanitary conditions at a training center.[93] Some Russian mil bloggers shared the appeal, noting that federal instead of local authorities should be responsible for the proper equipment of the mobilized personnel.[94] Founder of the Russian human rights project Gulagu.net, Vladimir Ovechkin, also published footage of prison authorities beating prisoners in Kaluga Oblast for refusing to fight with Wagner, which indicates that paramilitary structures in Russia are also not properly treating their forces.[95]

Activity in Russian-occupied Areas (Russian objective: consolidate administrative control of and annexed areas; forcibly integrate Ukrainian civilians into Russian sociocultural, economic, military, and governance systems)

Russian occupation authorities are continuing efforts to establish legal control over Ukrainian citizens in occupied territories. Luhansk Oblast Administration Head Serhiy Haidai stated on December 12 that officials in the self-proclaimed Luhansk People’s Republic (LNR) are gradually filling law enforcement vacancies in LNR territory with Russian citizens.[96] The Ukrainian Center for Strategic Communications and Information Security reported on December 12 that Russian occupation officials are currently holding more than 230 Ukrainian citizens captive in occupied Zaporizhia Oblast to force cooperation with Russian occupation efforts.[97] The Ukrainian General Staff reported on December 11 that Russian occupation authorities continued forcing Ukrainian citizens to obtain Russian passports in occupied territories, with a particular emphasis on Melitopol, Zaporizhia Oblast.[98]

Russian occupation authorities continued taking steps to consolidate economic control of occupied territories and force Ukrainian civilians to switch to the ruble on December 11 and 12. The Ukrainian Resistance Center reported that Russian occupation authorities are offering Ukrainians the option to exchange their currency to rubles at an exchange rate of one ruble for 1.25 hryvnia, which is inconsistent with the official currency rate of one ruble for .59 hryvnia.[99] The Ukrainian Resistance Center reported on December 12 that Russian occupation authorities are continuing to push Ukrainian businesses to eliminate the hryvnia but are facing resistance despite fines and threats.[100] The Ukrainian General Staff reported on December 11 that Russian occupation authorities are offering financial assistance to persons of retirement age in the amount of 10,000 rubles and offering higher salaries to locals who agreed to work in the institutions of the occupation authorities.[101] The Ukrainian General Staff also reported on December 11 that Russian occupation authorities are gradually withdrawing Ukrainian hryvnias from trade networks, forcing the population to switch to Russian rubles.[102]

Russian occupation authorities are continuing to target Ukrainian children in occupied territories with propaganda to justify Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. The Ukrainian Resistance Center stated on December 12 schools in occupied territories hired Russian teachers to brainwash Ukrainian children with stories that Russia has liberated them from “Nazis.”[103] The Ukrainian Resistance Center also reported on December 12 that Russian occupation authorities in southern Ukraine have increased propaganda events hosting famous Russian bloggers, athletes, and musicians.[104]

Russian occupation authorities are continuing to face partisan pressure in occupied territories. The Ukrainian and Tartar partisan group “Atesh” claimed responsibility for setting fire to Russian barracks in Sovietske, Crimea, on December 10, noting that they only targeted the base of mobilized Russian men. [105]

Note: ISW does not receive any classified material from any source, uses only publicly available information, and draws extensively on Russian, Ukrainian, and Western reporting and social media as well as commercially available satellite imagery and other geospatial data as the basis for these reports. References to all sources used are provided in the endnotes of each update.


References

[1] https://defence.org.ua/dailybrief/2022-12-12/

[2] https://defence.org.ua/dailybrief/2022-12-12/

[3] https://defence.org.ua/dailybrief/2022-12-12/

[4] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign... https://isw.pub/RusCampaignOct3

[5] https://t.me/luhanskaVTSA/7351; https://t.me/gray_area_wanderer/86

[6] https://t.me/wargonzo/9680; https://t.me/wargonzo/9477; https://t.me/w... https://t.me/wargonzo/9476

[7] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign...

[8] https://isw.pub/UkrWar110922; https://isw.pub/RusCampaignOct3; https:/...

[9] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign... https://defence.org.ua/dailybrief/2022-12-12/

[10] https://t.me/brussinf/5366; https://t.me/vrogov/6442; https://t.me/rlz... https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign...

[11] https://t.me/voenacher/35257; https://t.me/millnr/9856; https://t.me/R...

[12] https://t.me/rybar/41133; https://t.me/NeoficialniyBeZsonoV/20297; htt... https://isw.pub/UkrWar110622

[13] GDP (current US$) - Russian Federation | Data (worldbank.org)

[14] https://twitter.com/DefenceHQ/status/1601834807855648768

[15] https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign... https://www.understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign...

[16] https://rus.azattyq.org/a/review-russian-gas-swap-scheme-gets-cold-shoul... https://www dot asiaplustj dot info/ru/news/world/20221129/putin-predlozhil-tokaevu-sozdat-soyuz-rossii-kazahstana-i-uzbekistana

[17] https://t.me/vladlentatarsky/18027; https://t.me/MedvedevVesti/12372

[18] https://t.me/readovkanews/48710; https://t.me/swodki/201791

[19] 

[20] https://t.me/mod_russia/22588; https://t.me/boris_rozhin/72289; https://t.me/mod_russia/22483

[21] https://understandingwar.org/backgrounder/russian-offensive-campaign-ass...

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[62] https://t.me/AFUStratCom/10490; https://t.me/readovkanews/48732; https://t.me/kommunist/14134; https://t.me/epoddubny/14099v; https://t.me/aleksandr_skif/2514

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[66] https://www.facebook.com/okPivden/posts/pfbid0C3uhgV7FmtYSzbxkYWV5jUaFe8...

[67] https://suspilne dot media/336280-vijskovi-rf-zdijsnuut-peredislokaciu-svoih-pidrozdiliv-na-hersonsini/

[68] https://suspilne dot media/336280-vijskovi-rf-zdijsnuut-peredislokaciu-svoih-pidrozdiliv-na-hersonsini/

[69] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02F7p4EeK4Vq6ep7MdJW... https://t.me/Bratchuk_Sergey/24569 https://t.me/spravdi/22399; https://t.me/spravdi/22395 https://t.me/milinfolive/94316; https://t.me/khersonskaODA/2498 ; https://t.me/khersonskaODA/2501 ; https://t.me/khersonskaODA/2502; https://t.me/khersonskaODA/2456; https://t.me/hueviyherson/30731; https://t.me/hueviyherson/30738; https://t.me/milinfolive/94275; https://t.me/hueviyherson/30726; https://t.me/hueviyherson/30725; https://t.me/hueviyherson/30723; https://t.me/hueviyherson/30744l; https://t.me/stranaua/79801; https://t.me/stranaua/79890; https://t.me... https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02BaPRkC1tPp53SEWzh7...

[70] https://t.me/ivan_fedorov_melitopol/1029; https://suspilne dot media/336426-zelenskij-uhvaliv-sankcii-proti-svasennikiv-upc-mp-na-odesinu-povertaetsa-svitlo-292-den-vijni-onlajn/; https://twitter.com/IntelCrab/status/1601697039452364800; https://twitter.com/IntelCrab/status/1601682486861660161; https://twitter.com/Militarylandnet/status/1601856383472881666; https://twitter.com/666_mancer/status/1601825348404273153

[71] https://t.me/ivan_fedorov_melitopol/1029; https://suspilne dot media/336426-zelenskij-uhvaliv-sankcii-proti-svasennikiv-upc-mp-na-odesinu-povertaetsa-svitlo-292-den-vijni-onlajn/

[72] https://t.me/ivan_fedorov_melitopol/1029; https://suspilne dot media/336426-zelenskij-uhvaliv-sankcii-proti-svasennikiv-upc-mp-na-odesinu-povertaetsa-svitlo-292-den-vijni-onlajn/`

[73] https://t.me/zoda_gov_ua/15386

[74] https://suspilne dot media/336006-pivtora-miljona-ludej-na-odesini-bez-svitla-es-pogodivsa-nadati-18-milardiv-ukraini-291-den-vijni-onlajn/; https://t.me/readovkanews/48700; https://t.me/readovkanews/48663; https://t.me/hueviyherson/30788; https://t.me/rybar/41944; https://t.me/hueviyherson/30789

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[76] https://t.me/dnipropetrovskaODA/2697 ; https://t.me/Yevtushenko_E/1716 https://t.me/spravdi/22380; https://t.... https://t.me/mykolaivskaODA/3718 https://t.me/spravdi/22380; https://t.me/dnipropetrovskaODA/2691; https://t.me/vilkul/2365; https://t.me/Yevtushenko_E/1708; https://t.me/mykolaivskaODA/3711

[77] https://twitter.com/RALee85/status/1602060175795539968?s=20&t=bmeOhe1R5m... https://t.me/grey_zone/16151; https://t.me/strelkovii/3510; https://t.... https://t.me/wargonzo/9704

[78] https://twitter.com/GirkinGirkin/status/1601850145410367489; https://tw... https://twitter.com/CovertShores/status/1601933269456535554

[79] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02LCnidHVRs23zLEAtYS...

[80] https://t.me/boris_rozhin/72548; https://t.me/dva_majors/6709

[81] https://t.me/rybar/41912; https://t.me/dva_majors/6687

[82] https://radiosputnik ria.ru/20221209/krymskiy-most-1837578081.html

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[84] https://t.me/RKadyrov_95/3185

[85] https://notes.citeam.org/mobilization-dec-10-11#KyzW; htt ps://kurskcity.ru/news/main/197301; https://t.me/astrapress/17330

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[88] https://www.facebook.com/GeneralStaff.ua/posts/pfbid02BaPRkC1tPp53SEWzh7...

[89] https://t.me/luhanskaVTSA/7376 ; https://t.me/serhiy_hayday/8901; https://suspilne dot media/336426-zelenskij-uhvaliv-sankcii-proti-svasennikiv-upc-mp-na-odesinu-povertaetsa-svitlo-292-den-vijni-onlajn/

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Russia’s Weaponisation of Winter

 SOURCE:

(   ) https://euro-sd.com/2022/11/articles/28507/russias-weaponisation-of-winter/




Over the coming months, the bloodiest battles in Ukraine may not feature dramatic scenes starring American MQ-9 Reapers striking Russian T-90M tanks in Mariupol, nor a swarm of Iranian Shahed 136 drones (known as Geran-2 in Russian service) destroying a HIMARS battery positioned on the West bank of the Dnipro River. Instead, the battles with the greatest number of casualties may well consist of everyday Ukrainians with deteriorated immune systems fighting disease and exposure brought on by an ancient threat, which has often been a Russian ally
: General Winter.


‘General Winter’, from a 1916 front page illustration of the French periodical Le Petit Journal, Credit: Le Petit Journal, via Wikimedia Commons



Russia’s Weaponisation of Winter
30  November 2022   


We’re already seeing signs of a potential alliance between Russia and the Winter season. Russia is engaging in a form of scorched earth tactics, using hundreds of cruise missiles to disrupt and destroy Ukrainian energy and fuel storage infrastructure, while recently withdrawn Russian forces wait in trenches on the eastern side of the Dnipro River. The potential future scenario created by these strikes is easy to imagine – with Ukrainian energy infrastructure out of commission, the temperature drops, and Winter stepping in to finish the job for Russia. Cold, disease, and unsanitary living conditions caused by the lack of power leads to increased attrition in the Ukrainian ranks, lowering the population’s morale and forcing either a mass exodus or a spike in civilian deaths. Russia, meanwhile, uses the lull to finish training and equipping conscripts and to fix its dysfunctional logistics system. Come to the March thaw, Russia finds itself facing off against an exhausted Ukraine populace instead of a well-prepared defender.

Western Weapons Versus Russian Weaponization of Winter

It is true that Ukrainian long-range and heavy artillery positioned on the West bank of the river will also exact a toll on the Russians, who will be within range of GMLRS rockets used by the M142 HIMARS, M270, and MARS II weapons systems, as well as precision-guided munitions such as the US 155mm Excalibur system or the German M2005 projectiles. Ukraine continues to threaten all ground lines of communication (GLOC) from Zaporizhzhya to Crimea, but the reality is that Ukraine’s lack of air and maritime superiority prevents them from decisively disrupting Russian interior lines. Likewise, partisan action has not proven decisive in interdicting these GLOCs; while Ukraine’s interdiction campaign in Kherson was successful, the geographical factors contributing to the campaign’s success are not applicable to the war as a whole. Even Crimea disrupted as it was by the bombing attack against the Kerch bridge, cannot be appreciably isolated so long as Russia continues to hold its current gains.

A HIMARS system is offloaded from a C-17 Globemaster III, on 27 January 2022, at Marine Corps Air Station Camp Pendleton, California.

It is important to remember that Russia’s logistical problems to date are largely self-inflicted. While it may amuse some to see pictures of Russian conscripts armed with museum relics and rusted-out AK-47s, the reality is that Russian GLOCs remain intact and western sanctions have largely failed to produce decisive short-term effects. Ukraine cannot repeat its interdiction campaign at an operational level outside of Kherson and remains far more dependent on western economic aid to continue fighting than Vladimir Putin and Russia are.

USMC M777 towed 155 mm howitzers are staged on the flight line prior to being loaded onto a USAF C-17 Globemaster III aircraft at March Air Reserve Base, California, on 22 April 2022. The howitzers are part of the United States’ efforts alongside allies and partners to identify and provide Ukraine with additional capabilities. Credit: Cpl. Austin Fraley/USMC


As the world’s COVID pandemic crisis has proven, fighting diseases can be as complicated as fighting Russian troops, and casualties can be even higher, as consistently demonstrated throughout military history. Ukraine needs not just air defense systems and extended-range artillery but also tons of coal, diesel, and other petroleum-based fuels for new boilers and electricity generators, an organized network of campaign Role 2 and Role 3 military hospitals, food provisioning points, snowplows, and a myriad of other basics. On 22 November 2022, Zelensky announced that 4,000 ‘Points of Invincibility’ – shelters that include heating, water, first aid, and an internet connection – had already been established, and more were planned for Ukraine’s embattled civilians. The initiative is a good start, but such numbers may be insufficient in the possible scenario of a complete breakdown of the national energy system.

With the destruction of major crossing points over the Dnipro, the Ukrainian Army faces tremendous, perhaps insurmountable, challenges with establishing a bridgehead on the Eastern bank, especially given the lack of significant airborne transport capabilities. The river’s width near Kherson is between 600 m to 900 m, and further north it reaches 3 km wide. Moving Ukraine’s troops to a crossing northeast would take time and logistical effort during a traditionally difficult season to conduct military operations. Meanwhile, on the eastern front, offensives on both sides continue to make marginal gains at a grinding pace. The growing reality of a prolonged positional war has highlighted the importance of even basic logistics and reminds us of one of the most important lessons learned in the two World Wars – the importance of resilient supply chains. Logistics is of such strategic relevance in the face of the ‘general winter’ that neglecting supply chains for the most basic supplies could result in disaster and change the course of the war.

Strategic Supply Chains

The recent information campaign about a possible dirty bomb or use of tactical nuclear weapons may become an inadvertent cognitive smokescreen that prevents us from focusing on a much more probable and traditional enemy of countries that have militarily confronted Russia – winter.

The latest Russian attacks on thermal and hydro electrical power plants, along with the regime’s block on nuclear power plants seized by Russian forces providing electricity to Ukraine are just the beginning. When we add increasing power cuts (or the total absence of electricity) due to Russian attacks, to the historical difficulties in transportation resulting from winter weather conditions, a significant portion of the troops and the general population could find themselves deprived not only of heating but also of basic necessities, especially drinking water, food preparation and some perishable goods.

A residential building in Vyshgorod, Northern Kyiv, was heavily damaged by a Russian missile strike. Credit: Office of the President of Ukraine


The Kremlin is accustomed to including winter in its war calculations; it’s a staple of a military strategy that is deeply ingrained in Russia as a whole. Russia has already used winter in its ‘art of war to defend itself in the past against the Swedish troops of Charles XII, Napoleon’s army, and Hitler’s Wehrmacht. Granted, winter is a mercurial mistress, and has not always been faithful to Russia, such as in the Winter War with Finland in 1939. Then, an unprepared and overconfident Red Army lost some 125,000 soldiers due to causes attributable to winter vice only 25,000 casualties on the Finnish side. Despite such losses, the end result was that the USSR ultimately succeeded in exacting territorial concessions from Finland.

Red Army soldiers defending their position during WWII in Stalingrad, today Volgograd. The battle was a turning point in WWII.
Credit: Red Army


What is unquestionable, however, is that winter is not a benign player in the War in Ukraine, and it will put supply lines at all echelons to the test. Theatre supply depots, warming centers, and strategic reserves of fuel and food are basic concepts of long-term military logistical planning, but both the knowledge and the capabilities to implement these concepts at scale within Europe have atrophied due to a lack of large-scale conflict. NATO members became comfortable with their own technological superiority and were convinced of the improbability of a future European conflict. Thanks to Western military and NGO support, Ukraine receives partial support for some of its logistical functions, military or otherwise. On the Russian side, military logistics functions are relatively free and unrestricted, with the main limitations being those imposed by its own mismanagement.

Ceasefire or Humanitarian Catastrophe

From a tactical point of view the most recent events show Ukraine to be tipping the balance in its favor, however, winter could still freeze any possibility of another short-term operational victory such as those resulting in the withdrawal of Russian troops from around Kyiv, Kharkiv, or more recently Kherson. A fully mobilized and motivated population together with support from NATO countries that have provided modern weaponry, military intelligence, and advice may not be enough in the face of winter if basic supply lines are not secured.

In Russia where Putin’s loss of popularity is increasing at the same rate as his recruitment of young men for war, Putin needs a strategic turn to the conflict. In the short term, few options can deliver the desired results. Nuclear weapons are often discussed and are largely considered an improbable albeit game-changing option. Winter, too, is a risk that Putin hopes to exacerbate through his current missile strikes. Yet Russia could potentially employ more exotic methods to augment these strikes. Cyberattacks against infrastructure remain a threat, and as seen with the 2021 Colonial Pipeline ransomware attack, need not target hardened government or military networks, but rather vulnerable commercial entities.

There is an additional potential threat that is as dangerous as it is little-known (both due to its lack of use to date, and the secrecy of its technology): non-nuclear electromagnetic pulse (NNEMP) weapons. To be clear, the effects of such weapons would look nothing like their Hollywood portrayals, nor have their dramatic effects. However, as discussed for decades and even observed with natural EMP phenomena, the smaller effects which can be feasibly produced by NNEMP weapons can cause outsized damage to electrical grids, especially in hard-to-replace items such as transformers. The effects of their use in any major city are easy to imagine: gridlocked traffic, transformer stations disabled, military and civilian communication systems disrupted, hospitals with non-functioning electrical devices, and the list goes on. When combined with worldwide oil supply issues, survivability measures such as backup generators will be hard-pressed to maintain essential services until cities can effect repairs.

Putin, born in St. Petersburg (formerly Leningrad), is keenly aware of the role winter can play in warfare, and has likely been counting on the arrival of General Winter. The effects of winter conditions on vehicular movement and maneuvering can be severe, as any soldier who has operated on icy roads, or in blinding snow and fog could tell you. The effect on a population perhaps even more so – for instance, the Wehrmacht’s Siege of Leningrad lasted for 900 days, during which 1.5 million people died, 97% of them from cold and hunger. It is not an exaggeration to say that Russia is engaging in a loose siege of sorts, exacerbating the damages caused by winter by deliberately targeting energy and sanitation infrastructure, whether by its current cruise missile barrages or by more exotic means. All this can tip the balance in Russia’s favor without provoking a NATO or nuclear response.

For all these reasons, Ukraine, despite scoring tactical victories, may be close to suffering a strategic setback. Winter is coming to a Ukraine that is dependent on its European and American allies, who face their own specters of elections, populism, debt crisis, inflation, and the energy crisis, among others. The EU, with a population accustomed to decades of prosperity and peace within its borders, currently faces serious energy problems and high inflation. Consequently, it is beginning to raise its voice in favor of a diplomatic solution to the war. Germany is taking the initiative by visiting Xi Jinping and asking him to mediate with Russia, while Hungary has refused to approve a major EU economic aid package for Ukraine.

Support in the USA is also becoming uncertain. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Milley, has already made public allusions to Ukraine's needing to find a diplomatic solution to an intractable conflict. Support for Ukraine remains a strong bipartisan issue, but growing discontent regarding inflation and supply chain shortages will provide inroads for isolationist movements within both the Republican and Democratic parties to reduce or block further aid to Ukraine. This aid represents more than half of the total received by Kyiv and the largest aid package deployed since the Cold War. In the event of this support drying up, the EU is unlikely to pick up the slack. Rumors have been growing in recent days that the US government is advising Zelensky to sit down and negotiate with the Kremlin. In the absence of mutual recognition of territories by both sides, the only hope is a cease-fire, in the eyes of many influential political and military figures.

US Humanitarian Assistance Programme Team from the Logistics Readiness Centre in Italy sent sleeping cots and generators to assist Moldova’s government with aiding displaced Ukrainians. Credit: US Army


With the arrival of winter, the stones in the shoes of Western citizens could make them forget that many people in Ukraine are walking barefoot, and thus fail to provide logistical support that will be more necessary than ever. Kherson is an easy target from the eastern bank of the Dnieper and without water, electricity, or even fuel it becomes part of an expanding Ukrainian scorched earth where winter survival is not feasible. During the months of December, January and February, average temperatures do not exceed -2 °C on average. Urban residential structures often lack the old basements with provisions and the wood or coal-burning stoves and braziers that provide older rural houses with a low-tech alternative to central heating. Without gas and electricity, flats turn cold, and cities become breeding grounds for germs, with their denser populations and greater dependence on functioning sanitation systems.

President Volodymyr Zelensky and UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak inspected snow-covered Russian military equipment captured by Ukraine, on display at Mykhailivska Square on 19 November 2022. Credit: Office of the President of Ukraine

Weighing the Options

What are Ukraine and the West to do in this situation? The best solution would be to shore up the EU and NATO’s resolve and continue, if not strengthen, economic and military support to Ukraine. Unfortunately, the West has likely irretrievably lost the domestic messaging initiative to populists. Major governments have failed to build a compelling narrative and underlying internal economic assistance to steel their citizens against the economic hardships such support causes. In contrast with the efforts governments made in World War II (who similarly had to deal with economic hardship due to the Great Depression), today’s administrations have been reluctant to take measures that would cause significant economic disruption. The result has been an anemic messaging campaign that fails to convince the average citizen of the importance of this conflict, leaving the information domain ripe for exploitation by populist movements on both sides of the political spectrum. We are already seeing governments losing momentum and enthusiasm, regaining it will be a daunting task.

Snow is evident on the ground in Kyiv, as President Volodymyr Zelensky took part in a ceremony honoring the victims of the Holodomor in November 2022. Credit: Office of the President of Ukraine


All of this puts Ukraine at a crossroads. Faced with the risk of not being able to ensure adequate supply lines due to insufficient military logistics, the growing uncertainty of Western support, and Russia’s growing attacks on energy infrastructure, President Zelensky may have no choice but to sit down and negotiate with Russia. Otherwise, General Winter may once again take center stage in the war, taking down a large part of the Ukrainian troops and civilian population with him, and generating a tragedy of dimensions not seen in Europe in the last 60 years.

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Authors:

Lieutenant Colonel (LtCol) Juan Manuel Chomón Pérez is a pilot in the Spanish Air Force with 12 years of extensive international experience in France, Netherlands, Germany, Italy, Djibouti, Mauritania and Afghanistan. He is a graduate of the Bundeswehr’s Joint General/Admiral Staff Course and has a Master’s degree in Military Leadership and International Security.

Major (MAJ) Craig Hymel is a US Army infantry officer who has served in various tactical positions throughout Germany, Poland, and the Baltics. He is a graduate of the Bundeswehr’s Joint General/Admiral Staff Course and has a Master’s degree in Military Leadership and International Security.