Anatomy of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor Project

SOURCE:
http://www.indiandefencereview.com/news/anatomy-of-china-pakistan-economic-corridor-project/





Geopolitics

           Anatomy of China-Pakistan

             Economic Corridor Project

                                  By 

                 Radhakrishna Rao

 16 Apr , 2016

It comes as a little surprise that 

Pakistani army chief Raheel Sahrif 

has blamed India for what he 

describes as the efforts being 

made by its long time regional 

rival to undermine the high profile 

US$46-billion China Pakistan 

Economic Corridor Project 

(CEPC). 



…Baloch separatists and Baloch ethnic 

groups have expressed themselves against 

CPEC as well as Chinese involvement in 

various projects in the province. 




According to Sharif, this project highlighting 

the economic cooperation between the China 

and Pakistan, described as “all weather 

friends” has raised eye brows in the region.

 As envisaged now, the CEPC project that 

seeks to link Pakistan’s southern port city of

 Gwadar in the ethnically turbulent 

Balochistan province with Kashgar, the

 headquarters of China’s restive north western

 province of Xinjiang inhabited by the Uighur

 ethnic minority group has been considered a

 win-win development for both  the countries

. Going specific, Sharif said, “In this context, I 

must highlight that India our immediate 

neighbour, has openly challenged this

 development initiative”. A well planned 

network of all weather roads, railway lines and

 pipelines forming part of CPEC is expected to

 spur growth in the geographical stretches—in

 both Pakistan and China– that are considered

 far from well developed. 



According to reports in the Pakistani media,

 the first phase of CPEC, made up of a series 

of power plants including coal based ones,

 will be completed by the end of next year. 

Incidentally, Pakistan and China had inked an 

agreement in April 2015 to initiate work on

 CPEC with a financial commitment of US$46-

billion which works out to 20% of Pakistan’s 

annual GDP (Gross Domestic Product). The 

two leading ethnic groups of Pakistan, 

Balochs and Pashtuns, have opposed the 

CPEC saying that it would, in the end, benefit

 only politically influential Punjabis. But 

Pakistani Government sources in Islamabad

 stress the point that CPEC would benefit the

 entire country by acting as a catalyst for the

 expansion of the economy and business in a 

big way. 

In view of the threat that Baloch separatists 

fighting for an independent Baloch homeland 

and Islamic militant groups bent upon creating

 anarchic conditions could pose to CPEC 

projects running through Balochistan,

 Pakistan has made extraordinary security

 arrangements in and around Gwadar deep

 sea port under the administrative and 

managerial control of China. In fact, Baloch

 separatists and Baloch ethnic groups have

 expressed themselves against CPEC as well

 as Chinese involvement in various projects in 

the province. 

The biggest geopolitical challenge for 

Pakistan is how to comply with the Chinese 

request for giving constitutional recognition to

 the illegally held Gilgit Baltistan region 

without inviting opposition from Kashmiri

 separatist leaders on both the sides of divide. 

Media reports reveal that “a heavy police 

force presence, guarded convoys, new check

 posts and troop reinforcements” have turned 

parts of Gwadar into a veritable fortress. In 

fact, the political leadership, in both China 

and Pakistan, have been concerned over the

 safety of heavy investments being made to 

make CPEC a reality. A top ranking police 

official in Gwadar pointed out that“Soon we 

will start hiring 700-800 police to be a part of a 

separate security unit dedicated to Chinese 

security, and ..at a later stage a new security

 division would be formed.” Indeed, in the 

aftermath of Islamic radicals launching a

 daring attack on Mehran naval air base on the 

outskirts of Karachi in May 2011, Pakistan is 

not willing to leave anything to chance in so 

far as the security of Gwadar and CPEC 

projects are concerned. In fact, there are 

instances of ethnic Baloch separatists having

 kidnapped Chinese nationals in the province.




 In the ultimate analysis, CPEC, at its take off

 point at Gwadar in Pakistan and final 

destination in Kashgar could face serious

 security problems. In particular, China will 

have to face the challenge of violent activities

 of Muslim Uighur separatists in Xinjiang. The 

light skinned Uighur ethnic minority of China

 which is culturally close to some of the 

communities in Central Asia is fighting for an

 independent homeland. There is now way 

that the CPEC will have a safe and smooth 

progress  through other parts of its run. 




The biggest geopolitical challenge for 

Pakistan is how to comply with the Chinese

 request for giving constitutional recognition

 to the illegally held Gilgit Baltistan region

 without inviting opposition from Kashmiri 

separatist leaders on both the sides of divide.

 China had made it very clear and vocal that it

 is essential for Pakistan to provide legal 

cover to the Chinese investment on CPEC 

running through Gilgit Baltistan where 

undercurrent of discontent against Pakistani

 occupation continues to simmer. 

Accordingly, Pakistanis mulling the possibility 

of turning Gilgit Baltistan region into the 

constitutionally recognised fifth province of

 the country. But this step will have serious 

repercussions in so far as keeping on boil the 

Kashmir dispute.As it is, Pakistan had not 

merged Gilgit  Baltistan with the rest of the

 country with a view to project Kashmir as the 

disputed territory.

The foolhardy decision of Nehru 

Government in stopping the Indian 

defence forces from crossing the 

Kishan Ganga River helped keep 

Kashmir dispute alive 


Not surprisingly, China describes CPEC as a 

vital component of its much publicised One

 Belt One Road project that is aimed at linking 

Europe and Asia to boost trade, commerce 

and industrial production. On the other hand, 

the strategically located Gwadar sea port, on

 which China has a total control, would 

provide China an easy access to the warm

 waters of the Arabian Sea. And during the

 times of crisis, Chinese navy can move its

 personnel through the surface transportation

 network of CPEC to Gwadr . from where they 

can straightaway make it into the Arabian Sea.

 Clearly and apparently, this is the most 

significant geostrategic advantage that China

 could derive by exercising control over

 Gwadar. 




On another plane, the oil and gas pipelines

 originating from Gwadar can be utilised for

 the transportation of crude and natural gas

 secured from Iran. On a more practical

 level, this approach would help China to 

circumvent the highly vulnerable Strait of 

Malacca for thetransportation of crude.

 Growing US navalpresence in the

 disputed South China Sea  a major reason for 

China looking at an alternative route for

 transporting crude. Strait of Malacca choke 

point forms a part of South China Sea. 




Beyond registering the protest against the 

CPEC run through Gilgit and Baltistan, an 

integral part of the state of Jammu and 

Kashmir that was occupied by Pakistan 

through subterfuge in 1947,the Narendra Modi 

led Government has done precious little to 

break the illegal Pakistan-China nexus in the

 Pak occupied Kashmir. It was the glaring

 failure of the independent India’s first 

government led by Pandit Jawaharalal Nehru 

to re-annex Gilgit and Baltistan that opened 

the pandora’s box of Kashmir .dispute. The 

foolhardy decision of Nehru Government in

 stopping the Indian defence forces from 

crossing the Kishan Ganga River helped keep 

Kashmir dispute alive. And the enormous

 price that India continues to pay for this

 thoughtless action is there for everyone to see. 

The political leadership in New Delhi 

should wake up to the possibility of

 CPEC putting India in a vulnerable 

position in so far as the geo strategic 

calculus of the country is concerned. 



The modernization and up-gradation of 

Karkoram highway—passing through the

 illegally occupied Gilgit and Baltistan region

 — as part of CPEC could enable both China

 and Pakistan to move heavy trucks and

 armoured vehicles without let and hindrance

. The formidable Karkoram highway, described

 as one of the highest paved international

 expressways, connects Gilgit and Baltistan to

 Xinjiang. The still far from vocal movement

 for a separate Balwaristan in Gilgit and 

Baltistan could assume  serious dimensions

 once increased Chinese presence becomes

 evident for executing projects under CPEC

. Inhabitants of Gilgit and Baltistan have 

expressed themselves against the stationing

 of Chinese security personnel to take care of

 various projects being executed by the

 Chinese companies. 





There are apprehensions that CPEC could 

end up as a formidable wall planned to deprive

 India of access to areas that lie westwards in

 Afghanistan and Central Asia. There is no

 denying the point that the long term strategic 

challenge posed by CPEC could prove very 

costly for India. The political leadership in 

New Delhi should wake up to the possibility of

 CPEC putting India in a vulnerable position in 

so far as the geo strategic calculus of the 

country is concerned. The Narendra Modi led

   Indian Government should blaze a new trail 

in responding to the fall outs of CPEC with 

particular reference to the Indian security in

 the years ahead. 

Chinese Aircraft Carrier Liaoning vs INS Vikramaditya

SOURCE:
 http://defenceupdate.in/chinese-aircraft-carrier-liaoning-vs-ins-vikramaditya/

• INDIAN NAVY

Chinese Aircraft Carrier Liaoning 

                                 vs 

                    INS Vikramaditya

                             BY

               DEFENCEUPDATE ·

 NOVEMBER 27, 2016

Liaoning, is the first aircraft carrier commissioned into the People’s Liberation Army Navy and INS Vikramaditya is the third aircraft carrier commissioned by the Indian navy since independence. India’s first aircraft carrier INS Vikrant was purchased from the United Kingdom in the year 1957.

INS Vikrant played a key role in enforcing a naval blockade on East Pakistan during the Indo-Pakistan War of 1971 and was also docked in Karachi Harbour on the 4th of December to symbolize ultimate victory and naval supremacy of the Indian Navy in Pakistani waters.

The entry of China’s first aircraft carrier, the Liaoning, into service with the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) attracted considerable attention from both the Chinese press and military observers around the world. For some, the Liaoning was a symbol of China’s global power; for others, it represented a significant first step toward a more muscular and assertive Chinese navy.

Originally built as a “heavy aircraft-carrying cruiser” for the Soviet Navy, the ship was laid down as the Riga and renamed theVaryag in 1990. A Chinese travel agency purchased the unfinished hull in 1998, and three years later the ship was towed from the Ukraine to China, where it underwent extensive modernization of its hull, radar, and electronics systems. After years of refits, the Liaoning was commissioned into the PLAN in September 2012 as a training ship unassigned to any of the Navy’s three major fleets. Two months after the ship was commissioned, the PLAN conducted its first carrier-based takeoff and landings. Although it might be several years before a carrier air regiment is fully integrated into the PLAN, it was reported inNovember 2016 that the Liaoning is now combat ready.

The Chinese have made significant progress in developing their carrier program, raising significant questions about theLiaoning’s capabilities and what these capabilities mean for the rise of China as a global power.

Really long March

The reason it took China so long to acquire an aircraft carrier was the Chinese Navy’s sea doctrine, which was – and continues to be – heavily influenced by the strategic thinking of its former patron, the Soviet Navy. The Soviets considered carriers extravagant – and large – targets for anti-ship missiles. According to this line of thinking, if a $1 million missile could sink a $1 billion aircraft carrier, then it was better to have a thousand such missiles instead of a vulnerable carrier. Even if 10 percent of these missiles found their target, the enemy’s carriers were dead in the water.

In 1971 a senior Beijing official told a group of overseas visitors, “Aircraft carriers are tools of imperialism, and they’re like sitting ducks waiting to be shot. China will never build an aircraft carrier.”But if carriers were bourgeois in the seventies, when China was poor, they are hard to resist now that the country has trillions in the bank.

INS VIKAMADITYA

INS Vikramaditya is a modified Kiev-class aircraft carrier which entered into service with the Indian Navy in 2013. She has been renamed in honour of Vikramaditya, a legendary emperor of Ujjain, India.

The carrier was purchased by India on 20 January 2004 after years of negotiations at a final price of $2.35 billion.The ship successfully completed her sea trials in July 2013 and aviation trials in September 2013.On 14 June 2014,Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi formally inducted INS Vikramaditya into the Indian Navy and dedicated it to the nation.

INS Vikramaditya has boast more than two dozen Mikoyan MiG-29K ‘Fulcrum-D’ (Product 9.41) including 4 dual-seat MiG-29KUB aircraft, 6 Kamov Ka-31 “Helix” reconnaissance and anti-submarine helicopters, torpedo tubes, missile systems, and artillery units. These fourth generation air superiority fighters will provide a significant fillip for the Indian Navy with a range of over 700 nm (extendable to over 1,900 nm with inflight refueling). It will also be fitted with the state-of-the-art Indo-Israeli Barak-8 Air defence missile system which will be complemented with additional SAM and CIWS (close-in weapon system).

The heart of the operational network that infuses life into the combat systems onboard the ship is the Computer aided Action Information Organisation (CAIO) system, LESORUB-E. LESORUB has the capability to gather data from ship’s sensors and data links and to process, collate and assemble comprehensive tactical pictures. This state-of-the-art system has been specifically designed for the Indian Navy keeping in mind the essential requirement on the carrier for fighter control and direction.

Aircraft carrier Vikramaditya also boasts of a very modern communication complex, CCS MK II, to meet her external communication requirement. Installation of Link II tactical data system allows her to be fully integrated with the Indian Navy’s network centric operations.

How is the Liaoning different than other countries’ carriers?

The Liaoning differs from the aircraft carriers of other countries in both size and capability. Although its overall capability is hindered by its comparatively inefficient power plant and underpowered aircraft-launching system, the Liaoning represents an important step in advancing China’s ability to project naval power.

When one considers the respective capabilities of aircraft carriers, tonnage and deck-side size are important indicators for the amount of stores, munitions, and aircraft a carrier can bring to a fight. The Liaoning is by no means a small ship, but it is far from the largest or most capable carrier in the Asia-Pacific. The Liaoning displaces roughly 60,000 tons. The Liaoning also boasts a size advantage over the Soviet-built Indian carrier Vikramaditya, with a deck 20 meters longer and weighing approximately 15,000 tons more.

“Already with China’s so-called starter carrier, Liaoning, there is significant potential in the near future to take it overseas for some basic naval diplomacy . . . and this will already have tremendous symbolic and psychological effects.”ANDREW ERICKSON


The Liaoning’s size falls well below the U.S. Nimitz-class carrier USS Ronald Reagan currently stationed with the U.S. Seventh Fleet in Japan, the latter being over 60 percent heavier and 30 meters longer. The Ronald Reagan weighs 97,000 tons fully loaded and spans 333 meters long, far outsizing the Liaoning. The numbers bear out the fact that the Liaoning is neither a lightweight nor a supercarrier like the USS Ronald Reagan.

Chinese naval ambitions

Although it is a welcome development that Indians are now more China-focussed than in previous decades, the flip side is often there is an alarmist outlook. The Liaoning has raised some concerns in India about this impending Chinese “threat”. There was one hare-brained story in a business daily that the Chinese J-31 stealth fighters flying from aircraft carriers could outclass the Indian Navy’s MiG-29Ks. This was especially lame because the J-31 is an experimental aircraft that is a decade away from deployment whereas the 4++ generation MiG-29K is a combat hardened aircraft, which also has the unique ability to ferret out stealth aircraft.

Despite the size of the Liaoning, China’s lack of technical experience with carrier operations suggests it will serve more as a training vessel then a ship for combat operations. Even the Global Times, China’s stridently nationalistic newspaper, quoted a Chinese military expert, who said the carrier “does not have the capacity to handle its tasks as it needs more adaptation to enhance its fighting capacity”.

China does not have enough planes or pilots with the expertise to fully exploit its first carrier. Without experienced personnel, the Liaoning is likely to have limited military utility. Clearly, the “starter carrier” is designed to help the Chinese navy master tactics of naval airpower. And it’s no walk in the park – perhaps the hardest act in the navy is landing a 22 tonne fighter laden with fuel and missiles, on a carrier rolling and pitching in choppy seas at night.

Besides operating an air wing, the Chinese have to provide air, surface, and sub-surface defences for the Liaoning, supply the carrier, and train the personnel to operate it. Once the Liaoning clocks up some miles, the Chinese will surely send it steaming into the Pacific as a status symbol but until then it’ll be years of landings, takeoffs and near misses.

Western defence analysts have set a time frame of up to 25 years before the Chinese are able to launch a serious task force. However, Chinese ability is not to be underestimated. In fact, the speed with which they are able to field new weapons is startling. China cloned the J-15 fighter just eight years after obtaining an unlicensed version from Ukraine in 2004. There’s no reason why it cannot compress the time frame required to field a task force.

What kinds of missions might the Liaoning perform in the region and around the globe?

The physical and operational limitations of the Liaoning and its associated personnel and equipment indicate that theLiaoning might be best suited for regional missions short of high-intensity conflict. As the PLAN improves its capabilities, future missions could take the Liaoning and its accompanying sailors, fleet escorts, and aircraft farther from China’s periphery.

The Liaoning’s lack of an aircraft catapult, inefficient power plant, and the relative inexperience of its aviators and support team do not augur well for sustained high-intensity combat operations—even within waters close to the Chinese Mainland, where the Liaoning could expect support from land-based aircraft and radars. Accordingly, Chinese strategists advocate using the Liaoning for regional missions—including humanitarian aid and disaster relief (HADR), training exercises with other nations, showing the flag, and asserting Chinese territorial claims in the South China Sea—for which the Liaoning appears better suited. Furthermore, the Liaoning has considerable utility as a tool of naval diplomacy—providing helicopter lift for HADR missions and engaging in multinational training exercises will signal to other countries that China is a responsible rising power. Such efforts would complement China’s growing commitment to multilateral initiatives, such as UN peacekeeping efforts.

As the PLAN improves its combined arms capabilities and the Liaoning’s personnel become proficient in higher-tempo operations, the Liaoning’s repertoire could expand to include fleet air defense and maritime and land strike further afield from Chinese waters.

While the Liaoning’s possible mission set remains unclear, the prestige and attention conferred upon the ship during its construction, subsequent fitting-out, and deployment indicate that Beijing considers the Liaoning a symbol of China’s great-power status. Regardless of the Liaoning’s future abilities, the ship commands a degree of political utility as a tool of naval diplomacy through various operations, regional and global

Tags: 

Chinese Navy,  Indian Navy,  INS VIKRAMADITYA,  Liaoning

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