Monday, February 8, 2021

SINO - INDIA STRATEGIC POSTURE : The Strategic Postures of China and India: A Visual Guide

SOURCE : 

 (a ) https://www.belfercenter.org/publication/strategic-postures-china-and-india-visual-guide

(b) https://www.google.com/maps/d/viewer?mid=14hB-wqVTUd1SZcqJMUSA05r42_m7brY0&hl=en&ll=29.027140338305056%2C93.96344498935822&z=10


(c) https://www.belfercenter.org/sites/default/files/2020-03/india-china-postures/China%20India%20Postures%20-%20Tables.pdf

(d) https://defence.pk/pdf/threads/the-strategic-postures-of-china-and-india-a-visual-guide.659114/

(e) https://defence.pk/pdf/threads/china-firmly-opposes-pm-modis-arunachal-visit-india-hits-back.601084/page-4#post-11162171






The Strategic Postures of China and India: A Visual Guide

Policy prescriptions following from this analysis have been published in the Bulletin of Atomic Scientists. See Frank O'Donnell and Alexander K. Bollfrass, "India is Building Nuclear Submarines and ICBMs. That’s a $14 Billion Mistake,"  Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, February 26, 2020.
March 2020

Background

Fueled by aggressive rhetoric from both capitals, Indian and Chinese ground forces engaged in a standoff between June and August 2017. The Doklam crisis, as it became known, stimulated introspection among officials and experts in both states about the future of their relationship. Politically, both strategic communities largely concluded that the peaceful resolution of border disputes is now less likely, forecasting more rivalry than cooperation. Militarily, Indian discussions on the strength of its military position against China in their disputed ground frontier areas have converged on the view that China holds the conventional and nuclear edge over India in this domain.1

Based on our analysis of data on the location and capabilities of Indian and Chinese strategic forces and related military units, we conclude that this assessment of the balance of forces may be mistaken and a poor guide for Indian security and procurement policies. We recommend that instead of investing in new nuclear weapons platforms that our analysis suggests are not likely to be required to deter China, New Delhi should improve the survivability of its existing forces and fill the gap in global arms control leadership with an initiative on restraint and transparency.

China and India’s deliberately opaque strategic postures make objective assessments difficult. To overcome that problem, this brief introduces a new data compilation, consisting of a variety of published intelligence documents, private documents sourced from regional states, and interviews with experts based in China, India, and the United States. This data is combined with open-source force estimates to provide the most comprehensive public assessment of the location and capabilities of Chinese and Indian strategic forces. The appendix provides a link to an interactive map of Chinese and Indian nuclear and conventional air and ground forces, including descriptions of some simplifications and estimates necessary to display the forces on a map. Our analysis focuses on strategic military strike concentrations as they are postured against one other, excluding border patrol forces, as of January 2018. This makes it possible to examine the strengths and weaknesses of each side’s forces.

What does this data tell us? We assess that India has key under-appreciated conventional advantages that reduce its vulnerability to Chinese threats and attacks. India appears to have cause for greater confidence in its military position against China than is typically acknowledged in Indian debates, providing the country an opportunity for leadership in international efforts toward nuclear transparency and restraint.      

Indian strategists have not focused on this opportunity, in part because they draw pessimistic conclusions regarding China. For example, one Indian expert has observed that “India’s ground force posture and strength is not really comparable to that of China in their border regions. China has better military infrastructure, capabilities, and logistics.”2 A former commander of the Indian Army Northern and Central commands, which are tasked with defense against China, wrote during the Doklam standoff that he expected the episode to end in a barrage of Chinese missile strikes to expel Indian forces from the area and settle the dispute on Chinese terms.3

Even India’s comparative optimists, a minority, do not sound hopeful. A retired Indian Army brigadier close to internal discussions on China policy has observed that “even as conventional asymmetry prevails, it is being largely undermined by Indian strides in infrastructural build up, force modernisation and new raisings.”4

The next sections assess the nuclear forces India and China have arrayed against each other, followed by conventional forces relevant to a potential conflict.

China’s Nuclear Strike Forces and Ranges

Chinese nuclear forces comprise land- and sea-based ballistic missiles and aircraft that may emerge as nuclear bombers.5 The land- and sea-based elements are operated by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Rocket Force, which executes nuclear strike orders issued by the Central Military Commission under Xi Jinping’s chairmanship.

Sea-based missiles do not have a fixed location. However, China’s land-based missile bases can be geo-located. Including only the nuclear forces and locations most relevant to targeting India, the map below shows that the bases are concentrated in the far north, with three DF-21 bases in the country’s south.6 

In all, an estimated 104 Chinese missiles could strike all or parts of India. These include about a dozen DF-31A and six to twelve DF-31 missiles capable of reaching all Indian mainland targets. Another dozen DF-21s hold New Delhi at risk. The remaining missiles can target sections of India’s northeast and east coast.7 Moreover, as China deploys more road-mobile missiles over time, it will become easier to move further missiles from China’s interior to new survivable positions within range of India.

Figure 1: Map of China’s Nuclear Strike Range




Map Legend

Missile Type

Rocket Force Base and Location8

Color (of circle)

Approx. Missile Range (miles)

DF-31A

Base 56: Beidao/Tawanli, Gansu Province

Yellow

6,830

DF-21, DF-31

Base 56: Xining, Qinghai Province

Bright Green

1,335 (DF-21)
4,350 (DF-31)

DF-21, DF-31

Base 56: Delingha, Qinghai Province

Red

1,335 (DF-21)
4,350 (DF-31)

DF-21

Base 56: Liuqingkou, Qinghai Province

Black

1,335

DF-21

Base 56: Korla, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region

White

1,335

DF-21

Base 53: Jianshui, Yunnan Province

Blue

1,335

DF-21

Base 53: Chuxiong, Yunnan Province

Dark Green

1,335

Sunday, February 7, 2021

SINO - INDIA STRATEGIC POSTURE - US Study explains India's conventional edge over China

 SOURCE :   https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/us-study-explains-india-s-conventional-edge-over-china-1687213-2020-06-09




                                                 PART  ONE OF TWO PARTS



VIDEO:  Google the URL BELOW TO OPEN U -TUBE

                                          [ https://youtu.be/ybJA-3wvrKk ]


A study conducted by Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs Harvard Kennedy School says that India has conventional military edge over China. The study was conducted by comparing the army and airforce assets of the two countries.




SINO- INDIA : STRATEGIC POSTURE

US Study explains India's conventional   edge over China

                                   By       
                         Ankit Kumar

Can India take China head-on in the event of a full-scale escalation or will we suffer a 1962-like setback? A US study says India holds a conventional advantage which makes 2020 nothing like 1962.

File photo of military installation on Indo-China border (Photo Credits: Reuters)

HIGHLIGHTS

  • Is India ready to face China in a head-on challenge?
  • A US study says that if the situation escalates India can hold off Chinese advances
  • It says that India holds a conventional advantage to ward off a 1962-type setback

India holds a conventional advantage to ward off a 1962-type setback in the event of a full-scale escalation with China primarily because of its Beijing-centric deployments across air, land and high-altitude platforms, according to a US study.

The research paper, published by the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at the Harvard Kennedy School earlier this year, analysed comparative data of Indian and Chinese strategic assets.

The study, however, noted New Delhi's conventional advantage remains "under-appreciated" in Indian discourse.

The publication introduced a new data compilation based on "published intelligence documents, private documents sourced from regional states, interviews with experts based in China, India, and the United States".

It gave a comprehensive assessment of "the location and capabilities of Chinese and Indian strategic forces". The two authors of the study are Dr Frank O’Donnell, who is a non-resident fellow at the Stimson Center's South Asia Program and Dr Alexander K Bollfrass, a senior researcher at the Center for Security Studies at the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology in Zurich.

Conventional Forces

The research estimated that India's total available army strike forces near China’s border areas to be around 225,000 personnel against an estimated 200,00-230,000 Chinese ground forces under the Western Theater Command, and Tibet and Xinjiang military districts.

But then the study found the Chinese numbers misleading.

"Even in a war with India, a significant proportion of these forces will be unavailable, reserved either for Russian taskings or for countering insurrection in Xinjiang and Tibet," it says.

The authors observed that a majority of Chinese troops are located further from the Indian border, "posing a striking contrast with the majority of forward-deployed Indian forces with a single China defence mission".


Air Capabilities

The Chinese Air Force (PLAAF), according to the authors, also suffers from a numerical disparity to the Indian Air Force (IAF) in the border region.

China’s Western Theater Command controls all regional strike aircraft in this area, the proportion of which are needed to be reserved for "Russia-centric missions", the study said.

China, it added, hosts a total of around 101 fourth-generation fighters in this theatre, which also include Russian defence, against around 122 Indian comparables solely directed at China.

China would likely be compelled to rely more upon its rear-area air bases, which will "exacerbate its limited fuel and payload problems", the authors say.

Most PLAAF pilots are over-reliant upon ground control for tactical direction, which the study notes may turn out to be counterproductive.

According to the study, the Indian fighter pilots have a level of institutional experience in actual networked combat due to ongoing conflicts with Pakistan.

Although China has a superior missile force, it is unlikely to overcome the PLAAF disadvantage at once.

"If the PLAAF attacks just three airfields, it will require 660 ballistic missiles per day for attacking the runway and taxi track alone. China’s stock of 1,000-1,200 MRBMs/SRBMs (medium- and short-range ballistic missiles) will be over in less than two days when attacking just three airfields, with no other major target systems being addressed," wrote the authors, quoting a former IAF official.

The authors believe that China may permanently station large forces nearer to the border but it will give time for a counter-build-up by India.

LAC Stand-Off An Intelligence Failure

Frank O’Donnell, the lead author, told India Today TV that their assessment of the disposition of major Chinese and Indian combat forces has not changed since the publication in March.

That said, he pointed out that such a large movement by the PLA would have been picked up by Indian and US intelligence much in advance.

"What has happened in this episode is that a large Chinese military exercise near the border areas was used as a feint, with Chinese forces then being diverted toward the positions they occupy today," O’Donnell said.

He termed the current situation an outcome of "a significant intelligence failure" and suggested that "there should be a Kargil Review Committee-level public inquiry as to how this intelligence failure was permitted to occur and provide recommendations for preventing a recurrence".

Possible Solutions

Asked about the possible solution to end the stand-off, O’Donnell suggested an aggressive diplomatic strategy, similar to that New Delhi executed following the 2008 Mumbai attacks.

"China is intensely sensitive to its global image and how it is portrayed. The 2008 Mumbai playbook of regular MEA briefings of scores of foreign ambassadors regarding the nature and extent of the Chinese LAC violation, and pressuring these governments to publicly criticize China for these actions and demand that it withdraw will raise the international costs to China's reputation in continuing the occupation."

In his opinion, Russia should be a particular target of Indian diplomacy with regard to China.

"To intercede with China as its closest partner to tell it to pull back, Russia is reportedly already very distressed with the Chinese actions," O’Donnell added.

The final diplomatic option, in O’donnell’s view, is the cancellation of an invitation to China for next year’s BRICS summit, which India is hosting. "PM Modi can publicly state that at present he cannot see how he could invite China to attend if it is occupying Indian territory," says O’Donnell.

He noted that the Doklam crisis ended soon before the scheduled commencement of the 2017 BRICS summit.

Friday, January 22, 2021

FARMER AGITATION : The Might of Kisan & Jawan

 SOURCE:  https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/comment/the-might-of-kisan-jawan-201904




TRYSTS AND TURNS


          

             The Might of Kisan & Jawan

                                    By

                    


Farmers, together with veterans, should celebrate                                Republic Day


22 January 2021


The protesting farmers of Punjab and Haryana have threatened to organise a tractor procession through well-trod streets of Delhi on Republic Day. This procession should not clash with the government’s Republic Day parade or other celebrations. The farmers will lose public support if they do that. In fact, they should be alert lest saboteurs try to provoke them to violence.

No political slogan should be raised that day. All sections of the populace, even those that the ruling party dubs anti-national, should be one on this day.

The best solution would be to have a celebratory parade of their own in another part of the city after prior notice to the Delhi Police and obtaining its permission to celebrate the sacred day. If they can muster the support of armed forces veterans, it would be a sort of coup! The armed forces are studded with soldiers, sailors and airmen from kisan families, who will surely be sympathetic to the cause of the farmers.

‘Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan’ is a cry that is extremely popular with the common man and that cry has reverberated through the ages. No political party can afford to belittle it. So, if service veterans are added to the parade of tractors with farmers’ families atop tractors, a memorable supporting parade can be organised in another prominent area of Delhi, distant from Rajpath.

If given due publicity, it will draw sufficient attention. There will be no antagonist feelings floating around — in truth, the atmosphere created should be deliberately fraternal. No political slogan should be raised that day. All sections of the populace, even those that the ruling party dubs anti-national, should be one on this day.

After all, the Prime Minister and Home Minister Amit Shah have both repeated often that their sole intention in introducing the three farm laws is the good of the farmers. They affirm that farm incomes will double. The farmers do not think so! They feel that the big industrial houses will fatten themselves on the farmers’ sweat and blood! Who is right? Can or will the farmers wait to find out? Or is it that they know better since it is they who till the fields and sow and harvest the crops. The politicians and experts' knowledge, according to the farmers, is based on theories that have not been tested, though genuine research should never be brushed aside.

The Supreme Court has dared to enter the arena where wiser men had feared to tread. There was no constitutional or legal adjudication involved, and yet it rushed in with eyes wide open. By doing so, the court gave the government some breathing space. More importantly, it gave the government time that could weaken the resolve of the protesters. The latter cannot afford to neglect their fields for such prolonged periods. And that is the possible gamble that seems to be enfolding.

As of now, both sides are adamant. Our Prime Minister is a man of steel, like his role model, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel. He refuses to budge, though he is willing for a compromise. The farmers fear that the government’s experiment will fail, like demonetisation did. They refuse to take part in an experiment that may leave them ruined permanently.

But let us leave this political debate to the politicians and the object of their supposed largesse, the farmers, and revert to the issues that propelled me to write in the first place. I was influenced by an email I received from an old friend, a committed Modi supporter and a lady paediatric cardiac surgeon, who once was a co-trustee with me in the Public Concern for Governance Trust (PCGT) in Mumbai. Dr Ratna Magotra felt that the CCG, a group of retired IAS, IFS and IPS officers who write to the PM and other constitutional authorities on things that matter, should also write to the farmers’ leaders not to disturb the Republic Day celebrations, in particular, and not to defy the PM and his government in the manner they were now doing.

Since I agree with her view that Republic Day should be treated as sacred by every Indian, I had made my stand clear in one of my previous articles which had escaped her attention. I cannot in any conscience agree with her that no one should disagree with the PM, for that would mean that I agree that he is the repository of all knowledge. For instance, his calculations about demonetisation were proved wrong. I believe that a dose of humility in every human bosom will make the world a much better place to live in.

I understand my friend’s frustration when she finds that her hero is being baulked on his way to achieving stardom and a place in history. But even normal mortals face obstacles to success. In the case of world leaders, like Modiji, the tests will be infinitely more difficult. That is to be expected. The felicity and ease with which he tackles these difficulties will determine his place in history.

I do not pretend to know who is right in this debate between the government and the farmers. Will the three new farm laws double the income of the farmers? The government is certain they will. The farmers think just the opposite. If they were just playing a political game, they would have given up their protest long before. The government will require to think out of the box to cut this Gordian knot.

Staunch followers of Modiji should find a way to advise their idol to convince intended beneficiaries in advance that laws they intend to ram through Parliament, without much debate, are truly for the good of the beneficiaries, and not for the benefactor’s financiers.


POST SCRIPT:-  

  https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/nation/tractor-parade-to-go-ahead-as-planned-on-republic-day-farmer-leaders-202153


Tractor parade to go ahead as planned on Republic Day: Farmer leaders


Coming out of the meeting, Balbir Singh Rajewal said it was for the government to ensure that the rally was peaceful



New Delhi, January 22

Protesting farmer leaders on Friday have said their proposed January 26 tractor 'parade' will take place on Delhi’s busy Outer Ring Road as decided earlier, after their 11th round of talks with the government ended in a deadlock.

Coming out of the meeting, farmer leader Balbir Singh Rajewal said it was for the government to ensure that the rally was peaceful.

“Tractor march on January 26 will take place as decided by us on Outer Ring Road. We have informed the police that it is for the government to ensure that it should be peaceful,” Rajewal said.

The government’s negotiations with protesting farm unions hit a roadblock on Friday as protesting unions stuck to their demands for a complete repeal of three farm laws, even after the Centre asked them to reconsider its proposal for putting the Acts on hold for 12 to 18 months.

Unlike the last 10 rounds of talks, the 11th round could not even reach a decision on the next date for the meeting as the government also hardened its position saying it is ready to meet again once the unions agree to discuss the suspension proposal.

Union leaders said they would intensify their agitation while keeping it peaceful.

Thousands of farmers, mostly from Punjab and Haryana, have been camping at several Delhi border points since November 28, demanding a repeal of three farm laws and a legal guarantee on minimum support price for their crops. PTI

Wednesday, January 20, 2021

CDS : Eventful First year for CDS, Challenges Remain.(r)

 SOURCE:   https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/comment/eventful-first-year-for-cds-challenges-remain-199981



Bugbears: The three areas of prime concern in the charter of General Rawat (left) relate to jointry, acquisitions and administration. 




Eventful First year for CDS,  Challenges Remain

                                   By 

            Gp Capt Murli Menon (Retd)

                         Defence analyst


Monday, 18 January 2021


Tasked essentially with promoting inter-service jointry and giving much-needed fillip to defence modernisation through timely and optimal defence acquisitions, the first incumbent to the post of CDS hasn’t performed lackadaisically, however contentious his initiatives have turned out to be in one year. His latest desire to win a war for India by employing indigenous weaponry, though laudable, is easier said than done.


Two decades after the Kargil Review Committee (KRC) and the consequent Group of Ministers recommended the creation of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), and eight years after the Naresh Chandra Committee recommended a permanent chairman of the chiefs of staff committee, the Indian government instituted the first CDS in January 2020.

Tasked essentially with promoting inter-service jointry and giving much-needed fillip to defence modernisation through timely and optimal defence acquisitions, the first incumbent to the post, General Bipin Rawat, has not given a lackadaisical performance, however contentious his initiatives have turned out to be so far. 

His latest desire to win a war for India by employing indigenous weaponry, though laudable, is easier said than done, given the large gap that exists between the state-of-the-art and homegrown capabilities. Serious limitations exist in our indigenous defence capability, more so in the arena of advanced avionics, aerial weaponry and other cutting-edge technologies, such as aircraft carriers and main battle tanks.

The fact that the government chose to have a ‘first among equals’ four-star CDS rather than a five-star one as recommended by the KRC, would in the long term impinge on the effectiveness of the new dispensation.

Be that as it may, perhaps it is premature to judge whether the CDS idea was a good one or not. Three areas of prime concern comprising his charter will be analysed herein: jointry, acquisitions and administration.

Jointry has been a bugbear for most modern militaries, with single service rivalries ruling the roost generally. But this is a difficult tree to bark up, which a mere joint doctrine manual cannot deliver. The career profiles of officers and men have to build in frequent cross attachments to other sister services and mandatory ‘maroon’ tenures for the leadership for career progression.

Understanding the operating culture and peculiarities of other services is one challenge and ‘unified thinking’, more importantly, is the crucial bit.

The CDS needs to initiate policy moves in this respect to gradually build up jointmanship over time. We have a big advantage by way of initial joint training at the National Defence Academy, but a lot needs to be done to enhance tri-service jointry and consequent combat-effectiveness.

Realistic international exercises would help, no doubt, but the ultimate challenge will be to evolve as an Integrated Defence Force, wherein meaningful savings in deployment of combat assets and added combat efficiency could be achieved. Ideas of theaterisation, such as the Air Defence Command and Maritime Theatre Command, mooted by the CDS are perhaps a bit ahead of their time, given the situation in the defence forces as of now.

On defence acquisitions, whilst Make in India is a good guiding principle, practicality in technology exploitation has to be kept in mind. A classic example would be that of the Kaveri engine for the LCA, which the Gas Turbine Research Establishment (GTRE) has been struggling to indigenise, but to little avail. Hence, the recourse to the US GE 404/414 engines. There are similar handicaps for helicopter, ship and tank engines and other areas, where import becomes inescapable.

The story is the same for most high-tech weaponry for all three services, such as artillery shells, aerial weaponry like the Spice series bombs and naval anti-ship and anti-aircraft weaponry. The recent government decision to grant Rs 48,000 crore for 83 Tejas jets is another doubtful starter in indigenisation, with a proven prototype of the machine not yet being available!

The third contentious policy matter initiated recently by the Department of Military Affairs under the aegis of the CDS is the proposed modification in colour service and pension criteria. Whilst increasing the retirement age to 60 may be attractive to a section of the uniformed fraternity, it may not really assist in bringing down the defence pension Bill, which at 24 per cent of the defence budget — a whopping Rs 1.12 lakh crore — is worrisome, no doubt.

But let us not forget that the defence budget is a mere 1.15 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product, and not 3 per cent, as is expected to be, as per the recommendations of a Parliamentary Committee on Defence. Were that to be realised, the pension Bill would be 8.86 per cent of the defence budget.

Also, some of the already instituted measures, such as permanency to the short service commission, OROP already sanctioned etc. would find the DMA struggling to control its inflating pension Bill, a virtual drag on modernisation and general funding.

More innovative measures by way of lateral mobility, compulsory military service and reservists need to be put in place to achieve the desired tooth-to-tail ratio and pyramidical age and career profiles demanded by the military. Getting a handle on the often infructuous Defence Industrial Complex under the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and meaningful indigenisation through privatisation are other areas the CDS needs to address to improve the overall combat efficiency and cutting of the flab.

The pension of defence civilians is another substantial loadstone that the CDS needs to do something about. Also, increasing the years of service to earn pension (effectively suggesting a reduction in pension to 50 per cent for service up to 35 years) may not go down well with the new entrants to the defence services, even if applied prospectively.

In any event, the malaise of a bloated manpower situation in the military has been the result of flagrant flouting of norms and uncalled-for beefing up of manpower requirements at the stage of government approval over the years.

To rectify this situation, drastic steps for manpower rationalisation would be called for.