SOURCE:
http://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/narendra-modi-military-india-defence-manohar-parrikar/
INDIAN GEO POLTICAL SECURITY :
HAVE POLITICAL WILL TO FACE IT SQUARELY & HONESTLY
OR
PERISH
THE BIG
INDIAN MILITARY CHALLENGE
THE BIG INDIAN MILITARY CHALLENGE
PM has a bold vision for defence reform.
Can his Defence Minister deliver?
BY
Anit Mukherjee
The writer is an assistant professor at the
S. Rajaratnam School of InternationalStudies,
Nanyang Technological University, Singapore
Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Defence Minister
Manohar Parrikar
The terrorist attacks on Pathankot Air Force Base
revealed weaknesses in our intelligence, police and
security procedures. While all of them need to be
addressed, however there are larger issues—which can
have far more disastrous consequences for India’s
national security, which need attention. This is the issue
of defence reforms—initiated in the aftermath of the
1999 Kargil war (which followed from a previous Lahore
yatra by a BJP Prime Minister to meet Nawaz Sharif),
virtually ignored by the two UPA governments and
brought to life by the current government. Indeed, in an
important speech, while addressing the Combined
Commanders Conference last month Prime Minister
Modi challenged his defence minister and senior
military commanders to reform their “beliefs, doctrines,
objectives and strategies.” This is nothing less than
appealing for a paradigm shift, on a number of different
fronts, echoing the sentiments of generations of military
reformers. The Defence Minister, who has publicly
supported defence reform, has his task cut out for him.
Unfortunately he should not count on support from
civilian bureaucrats in his Ministry. In turn, it is far from
assured whether the current generation of senior
military officers are up to this task. In short, while the
prime minister’s vision is bold, its implementation faces
formidable obstacles. The attacks in Pathankot should
remind him—and his security managers, that India lives
in a dangerous neighbourhood and it should therefore
focus on strengthening our military.
It is an open secret that former Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh was keen to undertake some form of
defence reforms. His office was the driving force behind
the Naresh Chandra Committee, established in 2011,
ostensibly to revisit the defence reforms process. This
committee recommended the creation of a Permanent
Chairman, Chiefs of Staff Committee—a less than
perfect nomenclature for the Chief of Defence Staff. For
the first time ever all three service chiefs supported
creating such a post. However, Defence Minister A.K.
Anthony, for reasons not entirely clear, was not that
enthusiastic. Civilian bureaucrats in his ministry also
shared his scepticism. Later, numerous controversies
surrounding General V.K. Singh put paid to any talk of
defence reforms.
Prime Minister Modi identified six broad areas for
reforms—in defence planning, enhancing jointness (the
ability of the army, navy and air force to operate
together), urging manpower rationalization (smaller
tooth to tail ratio), emphasizing professional military
education, restructuring higher defence management
and in the defence procurement process. His analysis of
problems in each of these sectors challenged the
assumptions, and world-view, of India’s senior military
commanders. For instance, India is probably the only
country in the world which is expanding its military
manpower which, by definition, curtails resources for
military modernization (China recently announced cuts
of up to 300,000 troops). The Indian military is among
the least ‘joint’ major militaries in the world and its
system of professional military education emphasizes
training over education. However, like with so many of
the prime minister’s project, the most important issue is
that of implementation. If this initiative is left to the
bureaucracies—civilian or military, then reforms are
unlikely to succeed.
Conventional wisdom would have the government
announcing reform measures and leaving it to the
military and the defence ministry to implement them.
Doing so will likely subvert the reforms, as has
happened in the past. In 1986, Arun Singh was
instrumental in creating a tri-services and joint civil-
military institution called the Defence Planning Staff
(DPS) in an attempt to rationalise defence planning. It
quickly lost its relevance as the services opposed this
initiative. More recently, the Ajai Vikram Singh
Committee was tasked to find way to lower the age of
combatant commanders. However, the implementation
of the committee report was left to the services. In the
army this created a major controversy—which is
currently being battled in the courts. The Andaman and
Nicobar Joint Command, which was founded to be an
experiment in jointness has, in practice, been
“subverted” by a non-cooperative attitude from the
services. Finally, there is a variance between the report
submitted by the late K. Subrahmanyam (under the
aegis of the Committee on National Defence University)
on India’s Defence University and how it is currently
being implemented by the military. In sum, reforms will
not succeed if its implementation is not closely
monitored.
There are three significant obstacles to defence
reforms. First, it is not clear if, and how, will the Chiefs
of the three services give up powers for the proposed
Chief of Defence Staff (CDS). If the restructuring of
higher defence management results in an institutionally
weak CDS then it defeats the purpose. Second, it is not
clear how the government will create more joint
commands, especially since this is opposed by the
military. Their opposition, shorn of its elegance, is
primarily because it curtails the number of posts
available for their upward mobility. It is not surprising
therefore that they will advocate for more joint
commands—Cyber, Space, Special Forces for instance,
but will be unwilling to integrate existing commands.
Effectiveness and efficiency is therefore sacrificed to
the logic of bureaucratic expansion and increased
promotion pathways. Third, there is opposition, usually
in private, from civilian bureaucrats who do not want to
change the status quo. They prefer the existing
arrangement which gives them considerable powers
little accountability.
Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar—responsible for
implementing the prime minister’s vision, has claimed
that he has read the Goldwater Nichols Act, which
transformed the U.S. military. However, this initiative did
not occur overnight and was preceded by a public
debate and, perhaps more importantly, required a civil-
military partnership consisting of reform minded
individuals. As he faces obstacles from his own officials
perhaps Mr. Parrikar should consider forming a Defence
Reforms Unit comprising politicians, former officials
and technocrats all sharing the vision for defence
reforms. This could thereby monitor the progress of
different reform measures.
The media is fond of comparing the leadership styles of
President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Modi. It is
surely a coincidence that both have publicly come out
with statements calling for reforming their militaries. We
therefore have the unique opportunity to compare two
different institutional and leadership styles. It would be
India’s loss if, after a year, defence reforms remains an
aspiration.