Showing posts with label IRAQ. Show all posts
Showing posts with label IRAQ. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 15, 2015

The Yazidi & the Hindus (READ KASHMIRI PANDITS)

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/pawan-deshpande/how-genocide-brought-toge_b_6291796.html








How Genocide Brought Together Two Unlikely Communities: The Yazidi & the Hindus

           ( READ  KASHMIRI  PANDITS )






2014-12-09-pandits.jpg

Bodies of 23 Hindus killed in 1998 in the village of 1998 Wandhama by Islamist militants.



















More than forty years later in 1989, the remaining Pandits in Kashmir, by then consisting of less than five percent of the population, lived under the same continue threat as epitomized by the Islamist slogan


"Assi gacchi panu'nuy Pakistan, batav rostuy, batenein saan."

                                 meaning

"We are going to make our own Pakistan [Land of the Pure]. Without your men. But with your women."



The Killer Next Door

 What's most troubling about both the purging of Yazidi and the Pandits from Iraq and Kashmir, respectively, is the condonement and, in many cases, willing participation in violence by members of the local Muslim majority population.


Dakhil Habash, a Yazidi who now resides in a refugee camp, told the New York Times,

"Our Arab neighbors turned on all of us. We feel betrayed. They were our friends,"

 referring to those who overnight started working with ISIS to hunt down remaining minorities in their town.


In Kashmir, the situation was no different. Rahul Pandita, a Hindu refugee from Kashmir, describes in his book,

                           Our Moon Has Blood Clots

                      : The Exodus of the Kashmiri Pandits,

how many of his Muslim neighbors and family friends willingly partook in the slaughter and violence to usurp their property and possessions. In other cases, local hospitals largely administered by Muslims in Kashmir, would deny medical aid outright for Kashmiri Hindus, particularly those who had been wounded by militants. One Kashmiri Hindu elder recalled,


"Our people were killed. I saw a girl tortured with cigarette butts. Another man had his eyes pulled out and his body hung on a tree... It wasn't just the killing but the way they tortured and killed."




Erasing their Past


 In the past twenty five years, with the forced displacement of the native Hindu population, a systematic campaign to erase the millennia old Hindu history of Kashmir. Many of their temples have been ransacked, or demolished under the cover of public works projects. Other historic Hindu landmarks have been Islamicized by government bodies. For example, the famous Shankarcharya Hill, originally named after revered Hindu theologian who visited it in the 9th century, was renamed as Takht-e-Suleiman or "Tomb of Solomon" by the state's tourism board. With no local Hindu populace present, there is little that can be done.


2014-12-09-isisyaziditemple.png


Similarly, the Yazidi are facing a similar erasure of their cultural and historical relics as shown in the tweet above. Even if the Yazidi's were able to return to their homes and lands, there is little left for them.




The Politics of Reconciliation

 What's particularly thorny is that in both cases external Islamist influences have stoked much of the local Muslim populace into willingly engaging in the ethnic cleansing of an unarmed and vulnerable minority. 

 As a result, it's not easy to discriminate between violence committed by extremist militant and the locals.

 
In the case of Kashmir, there are now virtually no Hindus left in the region. Though decades have passed since the purging of Hindus, there have been few prosecutions of members of the local population responsible for the violence. The Kashmiri Hindus languish in refugee camps, while their neighbors have usurped their abandoned homes. In fact, in a futile attempt by the Indian government to quell the Islamist insurgency through political concessions, many of those behind the militancy have since been elevated to credible positions in political parties.

 
For the Yazidi people, the future may look the same. In a few years, at the current rate of cleansing, the entire Yazidi population may be relegated to refugee camps outside of Iraq. Similarly, in the event that ISIS is degraded, in order to make political reconciliations between the Shia-led Iraqi state and the Sunni insurgents, many of those responsible for the violence against the Yazidi may be granted positions of power in the resulting government -- effectively granting impunity for these crimes.



A Common Cause


 In the past few months, the Yazidi and Hindu communities from across America have come together bound by similarities in their ancient faiths and shared struggles with Islamism. Last month, the two communities held a joint protest in front of the White House demanding that more be done to stop ISIS and end the Yazidi genocide.




2014-12-09-yazidihinduprotest.png


Jay Kansara, the Associate Director of Government Relations of the Hindu American Foundation wrote about his experience:



Baba Sheikh, the highest Yazidi spiritual authority, is currently meeting with literally anyone who will give him and his followers time. You can see the tears in his eyes for his people who face extinction. I attended their protest in front of the White House, where I met a number of the community members. Many travelled from across the country for days to ensure their voices were heard by President Obama. It was a heart wrenching experience to see both men and women crying for their unimaginable loss.
Hindu organizations such as SEWA International and Art of Living, along with Hindus around the world have opened their hearts to the Yazidis by joining their advocacy efforts. We'll continue our multi-pronged efforts on their behalf.
Unlike the tragedy that has befallen the Kashmiri Hindus twenty five years ago, the survival of the extant Yazidi people is present and can be stopped. Let's not let history repeat itself.







































Tuesday, April 7, 2015

Backgrounders: The Islamic State

SOURCE:
http://www.cfr.org/iraq/islamic-state/p14811?cid=nlc-dailybrief-daily_news_brief--link24-20150407&sp_mid=48391511&sp_rid=YmN2YXN1bmRocmFAaG90bWFpbC5jb20S1







CFR Backgrounders

                        


                         The Islamic State
                                       By
                              Zachary Laub,



The Islamic State

 

 April 1, 2015



Introduction
The self-proclaimed Islamic State is a militant movement that has conquered territory in western Iraq and eastern Syria, where it has made a bid to establish a state in territories that encompass some six and a half million residents. Though spawned by al-Qaeda’s Iraq franchise, it split with Osama bin Laden’s organization and evolved to not just employ terrorist and insurgent tactics, but the more conventional ones of an organized militia.

In June 2014, after seizing territories in Iraq’s Sunni heartland, including the cities of Mosul and Tikrit, the Islamic State proclaimed itself a caliphate, claiming exclusive political and theological authority over the world’s Muslims. Its state-building project, however, has been characterized more by extreme violence than institution building. Beheadings of Western hostages and other provocative acts, circulated by well-produced videos and social media, spurred calls in the United States and Europe for military intervention, while mass violence against local civilians, justified by references to the Prophet Mohammed’s early followers, has been a tool for cementing territorial control. Widely publicized battlefield successes have attracted thousands of foreign recruits, a particular concern of Western intelligence.

The United States has led an air campaign in Iraq and Syria to try to roll back the Islamic State’s advances. Iraqi national security forces have allied with Shia militias to push it back on the ground. Meanwhile, militant groups from North and West Africa to South Asia have professed allegiance to the Islamic State.
What are the Islamic State's origins?
The group that calls itself the Islamic State can trace its lineage to the aftermath of the U.S. invasion of Iraq, in 2003. The Jordanian militant Abu Musab al-Zarqawi aligned his Jama’at al-Tawhidw’al-Jihad with al-Qaeda, making it al-Qaeda in Iraq (AQI).


Zarqawi’s organization took aim at U.S. forces (PDF) theirinternational allies, and local collaborators. It sought to draw the United States into a sectarian civil war by attacking Shias and their holy sites, including the Imam al-Askari shrine, in 2006, and
 provoking them to retaliate against Sunnis.

Zarqawi was killed in a U.S. airstrike that year. 

The emergence of the U.S.-backed Awakening, or Sons 

of Iraq, coalitions further weakened AQI as Sunni 

tribesmen reconciled with Prime Minister Nouri al-

Maliki’s Shia-led government.Zarqawi’s successors 

rebranded AQI as the Islamic State ofIraq and later, the

 Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS),referring to a 

territory that roughly corresponds withthe Levant, 

reflecting broadened ambitions as the 2011 uprising 

inSyria created opportunities for AQI to expand. 

The group isknown to its followers as il-Dawla 

(“the State”) and itsArabic-speaking detractors as 

Daeshthe Arabic equivalent of ISIS.



The Islamic State’s current leader, the self-proclaimed caliph Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, spent time in U.S.-run prisons in Iraq. Cells organized in them, along with remnants of Saddam Hussein’s ousted secular-nationalist Ba’ath party, make up some of the Islamic State’s ranks.
How has the Islamic State expanded?
Sunni disenfranchisement in both Iraq and Syria created a vacuum that the Islamic State has exploited. In Iraq, a Sunni minority was sidelined from national politics after the United States ousted Saddam Hussein, a Sunni, in 2003. In Syria, a civil war erupted in 2011 pitting the ruling minority Alawites, a Shia offshoot, against the primarily Sunni opposition, spawning sectarian violence.

In Iraq, Maliki cemented his own power as U.S. forces pulled out in 2010 by practicing what was largely denounced as a divisive politics that excluded Sunni political rivals and gave Shias disproportionate benefits.

The Awakening councils effectively came to an end as Maliki rejected the inclusion of many of their militiamen in the security forces, an integration process advocated by U.S. forces, and arrested some of its leaders. In 2013, the security forces put down broad-based protests, contributing to the Sunni community’s sense of persecution.

U.S. Director of National Intelligence James Clapper estimated in February 2015 that more than thirteen thousand foreign fighters joined Sunni Arab antigovernment extremist groups, including the Islamic State, in Syria.

Maliki purged the officer corps of potential rivals. Combined with desertion and corruption, this contributed to the Iraqi military’s collapse as Islamic State militants overran Mosul, Iraq’s second-largest city, in June 2014.

Syria’s 2011 uprising helped in the Islamic State’s expansion. Some analysts have even described a tacit nonaggression pact between Islamic State militants and Bashar al-Assad regime, with each focused on fighting the main anti government opposition forces for territorial control. As extremists came to dominate territory in Syria’s north and east and overran more moderate forces, Assad claimed it validated his argument that only his government could mount an effective opposition to “terrorists”—a term he has applied to opposition forces of all stripes.

The northern Syrian city of Raqqa is often cited as the Islamic State’s de facto capital. There, the group has established some new institutions (e.g., judicial, police, economic) and coopted others (e.g., education, health, and infrastructure) to provide residents a modicum of services and consolidate its control over the population.

After rapid expansion through Iraq in much of 2014, the Islamic State seemed to run up against its limits as it pushed up against majority Kurdish and Sunni Arab regions, where it faced greater resistance from Iraqi forces and local populations along with U.S.-led air strikes. Its militants have failed to advance on Baghdad or the Kurdish capital, Erbil, and lost a considerable amount of territory to Iraqi-government-aligned forces by early 2015. 

What is the Islamic State's relationship with al-Qaeda?
The group became an al-Qaeda franchise by 2004 but has since broken with bin Laden’s organization and become rivals. The split reflects strategic and ideological differences. In Syria, the groups compete for power and recruits among many militant forces.

Al-Qaeda focused on attacking the United States and its Western allies, whom it held responsible for bolstering Arab regimes it considered apostate, like those in Saudi Arabia and Egypt. For bin Laden, the establishment of a caliphate was the end goal—but one that was generations off.

In 2005, bin Laden deputy Ayman al-Zawahiri castigated AQI’s Zarqawi for indiscriminately attacking civilians, particularly Shias. Zawahiri believed that such violence would alienate Sunnis from their project—a concern borne out by the success of the Awakening movement.

A more thorough rupture came after the start of Syria’s uprising. Baghdadi publicly rebuffed the private ruling of Zawahiri, who had succeeded bin Laden as al-Qaeda’s chief, that the emergent Syrian al-Qaeda affiliate, Jabhat al-Nusra, remain independent, and Baghdadi’s organization restricted to Iraq. Since then, the two groups have at times fought one another on the Syrian battlefield.

How is the Islamic State financed?
Oil extraction constitutes the Islamic State’s largest source of income. The group is estimated to produce forty-four thousand barrels a day from Syrian wells and four thousand barrels a day from Iraqi ones. The group then sells the crude to truckers and middlemen, netting an estimated $1 to $3 million a day. By selling well below market price, traders are incentivized to take on the risk of such black-market deals. The oil-starved Assad regime, Turks, and Iraqi Kurds—all putative enemies of the Islamic State—are rumored to be among its customers.


The Islamic State is believed to extort businesses in Mosul, netting upwards of $8 million a month. Christians who have not fled the city face an additional tax levied on religious minorities. Protection rackets bring in revenue while building the allegiance of some tribesmen. Exploitation of natural resources and trafficking in antiquities also contribute to the Islamic State’s coffers.


Ransom payments have provided the Islamic States upwards of $20 million in 2014, including large sums for kidnapped European journalists and other captives, according to the U.S. Treasury. The United States maintains a no-concessions policy, at odds with its European counterparts.

The Islamic State pays its fighters monthly wages estimated to be upwards of $350, more than rival rebel groups or the Iraqi government offer, and as much as five times what is earned by ordinary Syrians in territory controlled by the Islamic State.
Does the Islamic State pose a threat beyond Iraq and Syria?
The Islamic State group’s claim to be a caliphate has raised concerns that its ambitions to capture and administer territory have no geographic limits. Militants in Egypt, Libya, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Afghanistan have taken up the Islamic State’s trappings and sworn allegiance to Baghdadi. It is unclear, however, whether these self-proclaimed provinces of the Islamic State should be considered true outposts of Baghdadi’s organization, or rather, local militants looking to capitalize on the Islamic State’s notoreity as they compete with rival groups in local contests for power.

The conflicts in Syria and Iraq have attracted foreign fighters by the thousands. Middle Eastern and Western intelligence agencies have raised concern that their citizens who have joined the fighting in Iraq and Syria will become radicalized and then use their passports to carry out attacks in their home countries. U.S. Director of National Intelligence James Clapper estimated in February 2015 that more than thirteen thousand foreign fighters joined Sunni Arab antigovernment extremist groups, including the Islamic State, in Syria, and that more than 3,400 of more than twenty thousand foreign Sunni militants hailed from Western countries. (Estimates of the group’s total forces range from around thirty thousand to more than a hundred thousand.)

Another concern is Turkey’s five-hundred-mile border with Syria, through which foreign fighters have entered and exited the conflict. Turkey kept its border open as it sought the overthrow of Assad. But as the Islamic State crowded out other armed opposition groups and came up to the Turkish border, international pressure mounted for Turkey to seal the border. In September 2014, the UN Security Council mandated that states take measures to restrict the transit of foreign fighters (PDF).
Some analysts believe the threat of foreign fighters returning home to launch attacks is inflated. By March 2015, only two attacks on Western soil had been linked to the Islamic State; they may have been carried out by sympathetic “lone wolves” rather than sanctioned by the leadership. 
What is U.S. strategy vis-à-vis the Islamic State?
U.S. President Barack Obama’s administration has assembled a coalition of some sixty countries to degrade and ultimately defeatthe Islamic State. The U.S.-led coalition includes the European Union and several Sunni Arab states.

In Iraq, the United States has deployed nearly three thousand uniformed personnel, armed the KRG paramilitary (the peshmerga), and led airstrikes against Islamic State forces. As of early March 2015, the coalition had carried out nearly 1,500 airstrikes, 70 percent from U.S. forces. Meanwhile, Shia militias have done much of the fighting on the ground, making up for the hollowed-out Iraqi army. Militias backed by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps are playing a critical role in Iraq’s March 2015 push to oust Islamic State forces from Tikrit. Another militia involved in the fight against the Islamic State is loyal to the nationalist cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, whose Mahdi Army battled U.S.-led forces early in the occupation.

The Obama administration insisted that Maliki step down and be replaced by a less polarizing politician as a condition of military assistance. His successor, Haider al-Abadi, pledged to practice more inclusive politics and bring Shia militias aligned with Iraqi security forces under the state’s control. But rights groups allege that these militias have evicted, disappeared, and killed residents of Sunni and mixed neighborhoods in the wake of operations to root out Islamic State militants.

Acknowledging these abuses, Sadr temporarily froze his militia.
Though opposition to Islamic State advances would seem to put Washington and Tehran on the same side, both sides have downplayed the possibility of tactical coordination in Iraq. Military measures that Sunnis perceive as bolstering hostile regimes could backfire, driving members of the community to cooperate with the Islamic State. The United States has also carried out air strikes in Syria in a bid to roll back Islamic State territorial gains. The United States does not have a fighting partner on the ground there, while political efforts to end the broader civil war (international negotiations and, more recently, a UN-backed effort to broker local cease-fires) have failed.

Some critics in Washington argue that the Obama administration’s failure to follow through on its rhetorical support for rebel forces in Syria with training and arms put them at a disadvantage against both Shia pro-government elements like Hezbollah and Sunni extremist groups, which grew strong with the support of Tehran and deep-pocketed Gulf donors, respectively.

In September 2014, the U.S. Congress authorized the Pentagon to train and equip “appropriately vetted elements of the Syrian opposition” to attack Islamic State forces—but not the Assad regime and its allies. In early 2015, the United States began its program to train five thousand troops a year for three years.

Some critics of the train-and-equip mission have called it too small and slow to change the battlefield balance. Also problematic, argues CFR Fellow Micah Zenko, is that the Obama administration has not articulated if and how it will commit U.S. forces to protect these groups if they come under attack by the Islamic State or pro-regime fighters.

Additional Resources


Cole Bunzel examines the Islamic State’s ideology in a Brookings Institution paper.
The UN Human Rights Council’s Commission of Inquiry on Syria reports on developments in areas inaccessible to most Western journalists.


Graeme Wood examines the Islamic state’s religious beliefs, motivations, and strategy in the Atlantic.
Peter Harling, of the International Crisis Group, and the Economist’s Sarah Birke argue that a strategy centered on air strikes may, perversely, bolster the very conditions that gave rise to the Islamic State.


Counterterrorism strategies that beat back al-Qaeda make a poor model for defeating the Islamic State, Audrey Kurth Cronin writes in Foreign Affairs.


The Brookings Institution’s Daniel L. Byman and Jeremy Shapiro assess the threat of foreign fighters attacking the United States and Europe.

 

More on this topic from CFR

View more from Iraq, Terrorism

Monday, March 16, 2015

The Kurds’ Heroic Stand Against ISIS

Source:
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/16/opinion/the-kurds-heroic-stand-against-isis.html?emc=edit_ty_20150316&nl=opinion&nlid=60529223&_r=0


       The Kurds’ Heroic Stand Against ISIS

                                        By

                          

                                     and

             

Credit Federico Yankelevich


ERBIL, Iraq — THE Islamic State continues to control a huge section of Syria. But in Iraq, its advance has stalled. While Shiite militias and their Iranian allies fight the Islamic State ferociously, the Kurds have held a 640-mile front against the Islamic State’s advance. Their steadfastness should prompt America to rethink its alliances and interests in the region and to deepen its relationship with the Kurds — who are sometimes described as the world’s largest stateless nation.

Last week, the Sunni town of Tikrit (Saddam Hussein’s hometown) fell to largely Shiite forces from Iraq, backed by Iran. An offensive to retake Mosul, Iraq’s second largest city and the heart of Arab Sunni nationalism, is now within reach. The Kurds plan to enter eastern Mosul, where many Kurds lived before the Islamic State seized the city in June, but they say that moderate Arab Sunnis must lead the effort to retake the rest of the city — not Baghdad’s predominantly Shiite forces or the Iranian-backed Shiite militias. The Kurds point out that it was grievances against Shiite rule that helped drive Sunni support for the Islamic State in the first place.

 
Together with Lydia Wilson and Hoshang Waziri, our colleagues at Artis, a nonprofit group that uses social science research to resolve intergroup violence, we found that the Kurds demonstrate a will to fight that matches the Islamic State’s.

The United States needs to help them win.

 
In Kirkuk last week, where only a narrow canal separates Kurdish and Islamic State forces, we talked to three captured Islamic State fighters, and to their captors: Gen. Sarhad Qadir, the city’s Kurdish police chief, and his deputy, Col. Gazi Ali Rashid.


 
General Qadir, who lost a brother in earlier fighting, has been wounded 14 times in battles with Sunni militants, most recently in a suicide attack on Tuesday. The Islamic State recently paraded Colonel Rashid’s brother in a cage, along with other Kurds captured in a large-scale offensive that stalled in late January. Arab Sunni tribes have been trying to negotiate a prisoner exchange to signal to the Kurds that they are not all aligned with the Islamic State, but Colonel Rashid has no hope. “I know my brother will die,”
he told us shortly before he was severely wounded on Tuesday.
 
The Islamic State prisoners most likely will be executed for having committed assassinations and deadly car bombings. The three are in their early 20s; two have wives and young children. None finished elementary school. They recounted growing up in the failed Iraqi state during the last decade
: a hellish world of guerrilla war, disrupted families, constant fear and utter lack of hope. They see Iran and the Shiites as their greatest enemy but they also believe that America allowed them to oppress the Arab Sunni minority for the sake of majority rule.

 
When we asked the prisoners “What is Islam?” they answered
 “my life.”
 Yet it was clear that they knew little about the Quran, or Islamic history, other than what they’d heard from Al Qaeda and Islamic State propaganda. For them, the cause of religion is fused with the vision of a caliphate — a joining of political and religious rule — that kills or subjugates any nonbeliever.

 
The Kurds’ commitment to Islam is matched by their commitment to national identity; theirs is a more open-minded version of Islam. They have defended Yazidis and Christians, as well as Arab Sunnis, who make up the bulk of the more than one million displaced persons in Iraqi Kurdistan.
 
But perhaps what most reveals commitment by the Kurds is how they hold the line with so little material assistance.

On the night of Jan. 30, the Islamic State used the cover of fog to attack a Kurdish battalion near the town of Mahmour. Seven Kurds were killed immediately. Their colleagues said that if they had had night-vision goggles — or better yet, thermal-imaging scopes to also detect vehicles — all would most likely be alive. When we gave them a gift of our small, store-bought binoculars with which we had been watching Islamic State movements less than one mile away, they expressed deep gratitude. As we left, a mine went off as they moved earth to make a defensive wall, for there is no demining equipment.

 
To be sure, coalition airstrikes have prevented Islamic State forces from deploying heavy artillery to break Kurdish lines, although Gen. Sirwan Barzani, who commands the main front between Erbil and Mosul,

 told us that a Pentagon lawyer must approve every strike (a policy intended to minimize chances of civilian casualties from drone attacks).

Sometimes, that approval comes too late.

 
With its big guns vulnerable to air attack, the Islamic State adapts its tactics, piercing Kurdish lines with suicide attacks in primitively armored vehicles. One Kurdish commando near the Mosul Dam showed us, on his smartphone, a video of the approach of a steel-hardened vehicle. No amount of rifle fire or rocket-propelled grenades could stop the attack, which killed 23 and wounded 40.

Yet the United States insists that the Kurds obtain permission, grudging and often denied, from the central government in Baghdad for essential equipment to counter these and better weapons that the Islamic State seized from the Syrian and Iraqi Armies.

 
Meanwhile, the Islamic State won’t quit. Their wounded fighters often booby trap their bodies rather than be captured, and face down fire to recover dead comrades’ bodies. The leaders they call emirs, who are chosen because of their religious devotion and fearless effectiveness, and their foreign fighters, are especially fierce. The Westerners often die in suicide attacks; seasoned fighters from North Africa and the Middle East, and particularly from former parts of the Soviet Union (like Chechnya, Uzbekistan, Dagestan), are prominent as operational leaders and snipers. Foreign fighters return to their countries only if they escape or are sent home, because the punishment for defection is death.

 
Local Syrians and Iraqis conscripted to fight for the Islamic State, in contrast, are not totally committed. In one conversation picked up by a Kurdish walkie-talkie, a fighter with a local accent asked for help: “My brother has been killed. I am surrounded. Help me take his body away.” The reply: “Perfect, you will join him soon in Paradise.” The fighter retorted: “Come for me. This Paradise, I don’t want.”
 
The Islamic State will say to a local sheikh: “Give us 20 young men or we loot your village.” To a father with three sons, they will say
: “Give us one or we take your daughter as a bride for our men.”


One girl of 15 told how she was
 “married” and “divorced”
15 times in a single night to a troop of Islamic State fighters


(under some readings of Shariah law, “divorce” is as easy as repeating “I divorce you” three times, which makes it easy to cast rape as marriage).


 In the face of such brutality, wavering supporters of the Islamic State could well rally to an Arab Sunni force allied with the Kurds. That is a prospect the United States, which fears leaving the fight mainly to Iran and its allies, should welcome.
 

As we said goodbye at the front, a young Kurdish sniper promised us she would never abandon her comrades or their cause. Will the United States deny her people the means to counter the Islamic Statefor the sake of upholding the costly illusion of an Iraqi nation-state, devised from three Ottoman provinces to fit British imperial desires but now hopelessly fragmented?
 
Kurdish leaders say they would accept a federated Iraqi state if they were given autonomy in political, economic and security matters. The United States should have agreed to do this long ago; it’s not too late to do so now.

 If America does not, Iraqi Kurdistan will most likely declare itself an independent state, which Turkey, Iran and Syria will move forcefully to stop, for fear that their own Kurdish populations will try to join it.

 
The United States must help the Kurds translate their bravery into a true ability to defeat the Islamic State. They are America’s most reliable friends on the ground, and should be treated as such.