Monday, April 13, 2015

ISLAMIC STATE COMES NEARER TO INDIAN SHORES

SOURCE:
http://www.msn.com/en-in/news/national/from-kerala-family-to-ex-gangster-is-pulls-maldives-men/ar-AAaXUSz


                       ISLAMIC STATE COMES NEARER

                                       TO

                           INDIAN SHORES
                                        By
                               Praveen Swami


                     

 From Kerala Family to Ex-Gangster, IS pulls Maldives Men



 
 
 
 
 
 
 
From Kerala family to ex-gangster, IS pulls Maldives men: Shameem (red T-shirt) and Rahim (centre) at Male airport on their way to join Islamic State© Provided by Indian Express Shameem (red T-shirt) and Rahim (centre) at Male airport on their way to join Islamic State 
 
Late last year, Fathullah Jamil decided he’d had enough — of days that began before dawn, calling believers to prayer at the mosque; evenings spent negotiating a taxi through the sweltering streets; and nights spent in an airless one-room home. The children had moved to West Asia, and had been calling their parents to join them. Jamil sold the taxi, and caught a flight to Thiruvananthapuram to pick up his ailing Indian-born wife, Shah Bano.
 
Had intelligence officials in Kerala not intervened, the elderly couple would by now have been spending their retirement in the Islamic State — home to their three half-Indian, Thiruvananthapuram-educated sons, along with their wives and children.

The Maldives advertises its stunning island resorts as an earthly paradise, but intelligence services are increasingly concerned at the number of its citizens who are seeking the afterlife  { read  56  hoors in Jaahnaatmarketed by Islamists.

Indian and Western services estimate up to 200 Maldives citizens, out of a tiny population of 359,000, may now be in Iraq and Syria — the highest by far, in population-adjusted terms, of any country in the world.

The Maldives government says it can confirm 57 people have made the journey, while the Islamic State and its al-Qaeda affiliated rival, al-Nusra, have released at least seven obituaries for Maldivians killed in combat.

Death Threats, Attacks

Inside the Maldives, too, secular writers and activists are facing a growing tide of death threats —- sometimes backed up by lethal attacks.

Former jihadist-turned-secular writer Ahmed Rilwan, who disappeared last year, is thought to have been murdered by Islamist-linked street gangs. Hilath Rasheed, another writer and democratic rights activsts, lives in exile in Sri Lanka after his throat was slashed in a near-fatal attack.

“There’s a growing culture of violence against dissidents from the religious right-wing and the perpetrators are enjoying complete impunity,” said writer Yameen Rasheed.

Male’s powerful street gangs — in turn, linked to heroin cartels and protection rackets — are providing soldiers for the new Islamist army.
 Photographs obtained by The Indian Express show Rasheed’s alleged attacker, former gang member Ismail Rahim, travelling to Syria as part of a group organised by leading Islamist ideologue Adam Shameem. Like dozens of other former gang members, Rahim embraced neo-fundamentalist Islam in prison, seeing jihad as atonement for his past sins.

----------------------------------------------------
READ ALSO


FIGHT FOR FREEDOM OF INTERNET CYBER WAR IS ON

SOURCE:
http://www.msn.com/en-in/news/national/why-we-need-net-neutrality/ar-AAaESrX?li=AAaVsg6






                         FIGHT FOR FREEDOM
                                     OF 
              INTERNET CYBER WAR IS ON







The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (Trai) Recently Sought Public Comments on                             Net Neutrality.






  • Why we need net neutrality

    Why we need net neutrality


  • The beauty of net neutrality

    The beauty of net neutrality



  • Stop Airtel Zero from 'hafta vasooli' or it…


  • Timeline: The net neutrality debate in India

    Timeline: The net neutrality debate in…


  • File: A worker cleans a logo of Bharti Airtel at its zonal office building in the northern Indian city of Chandigarh May 2, 2013.

    Airtel defends data pricing, aims to bust…



  • Indians rally for Internet freedom…



  • The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (Trai) recently sought public comments on net neutrality.
    © Provided by Indian Express The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (Trai) recently sought public comments on net neutrality. 
     
    The debate on net neutrality picked up steam in 2010, when the US Federal Communications Commission (FCC) lost its case against Comcast in the US Supreme Court.



    Increasingly it is becoming clear that, for now, net neutrality advocates abroad have the upper hand.


     But what about India?

     
    The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (Trai) recently sought public comments on net neutrality. This was spurred by Airtel’s move to charge for VoIP calls. This means the company offers customers internet access as a product and allocates a certain amount of data for the money paid. What you choose to do with that data should be your concern.

     
    But Airtel now says, “You cannot use the data you paid for to use this particular service”, and would have you pay Rs 100 for the data and additional money to use a service using that very data. A simple analogy: The electricity company sells you 100 units for Rs 900, and says you could use that energy to power TVs, ACs, etc. But should you use the units sold to charge your inverter, you would need to pay extra. The comparison of electricity with the internet is relevant because both are utilities.

     
    The carrier gets revenue by charging customers for talk-time. Additionally, it sells 2G and 3G services. Carriers have been primarily geared towards selling talk-time. Selling internet services was secondary. They have been slow to react to the potential of third-party internet services. Consumers are replacing traditional texting with WhatsApp or Viber and traditional network calling with apps such as Skype. There is a very real danger that, in five years, carriers may earn no money from texting and calling.

     
    Carriers argue that internet penetration in India, unlike developed Western nations, is poor. Huge investments need to be made in infrastructure. The revenues from charging the customer for data will not justify making that investment. There is some merit in that argument. This is where the government will have to step in and treat internet access as a utility and make investments in infrastructure.

     
    But market disruption has been happening for aeons. This is simply an evolution. With evolution come casualties. In the case of the internet, it is the carriers’ existing business model. They will fight to prevent that because they know of no other model to sustain profits.

     
    Currently, the carrier treats all third-party applications the same. What happens when one third-party application is treated favourably for monetary consideration? This is paid prioritisation. Right now, the internet is a great equaliser. One website will load just as fast as another. Now imagine Google pays the carrier to get into the “fast lane”. So while, say, Yahoo takes eight seconds to load, Google takes one. The consumer is highly disincentivised from visiting Yahoo.

     
    This will lead to a situation where financially powerful companies will pay carriers while their rivals, even with better products, will be forced to see their sites load slowly. It will lead to a collapse of the start-up market and negatively impact innovation.

     
    The second aspect of paid prioritisation is free data. Say WhatsApp pays carriers so that the data used for the app is not counted towards the consumer’s data cap. Again, the consumer is disincentivised to use its rivals. The problem arises when a clearly inferior product is given preference. This goes against the grain of the internet, where meritocracy rules.

     
    In light of this, Facebook and Google’s recent decision to join the COAI (Cellular Operators Association of India) is worrying. The COAI counts among its members carriers like Airtel and Vodafone, lobbying the government and Trai to do away with net neutrality. This contradicts their stance in the US, where they joined a coalition of companies to advocate for net neutrality.
     
    Carriers must stop trying to enforce old paradigms in a new marketplace. Otherwise, they will end up on the the wrong side of history.

     
    The writer is a recent graduate from SRCC, Delhi University
     


    VIDEO: AIB video on net neutrality disappears from Facebook



    The beauty of net neutrality Next Story

    The beauty of net neutrality


    More in News





     



     

    Yemen at War: The New Shia-Sunni Frontline That Never Was

    Source:
    http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2015/04/10/yemen-at-war-the-new-shia-sunni-frontline-that-never-was/





    Yemen at War: The New Shia-Sunni Frontline                         That Never Was

                                      By

                            

     

    April 10, 2015

     
    This war in Yemen is not a religious one, but world powers are doing a really good job at turning it into one.
     
    In utter and complete violation of international law, Saudi Arabia, the world’s most violent and repressive theocracy, declared war on its southern neighbor Yemen, on March 25, 2015, calling on a broad military coalition to lend its support.
    Behind Saudi Arabia stands
    Jordan, Morocco, Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Egypt, Sudan, the UAE, the U.S., the EU, and Pakistan.

    As unsuspecting Yemenis slept in their homes, Saudi Arabia and Co. unleashed a deluge of bombs onto the capital, Sana’a, caring little for the millions of civilians below, intent on crushing their designated enemy, the Houthis.

    The new object of the kingdom’s disaffection, the Houthis are a Yemeni rebel group hailing from northern Sa’ada organized under the leadership of Abdel-Malek Al Houthi and have been actively depicted in western and pro-KSA media as the source of all evil, a Shia rebel faction in collusion with Iran, the new enemy to hate and, above all, the new target to destroy.

    And while such a narrative could be easily construed as politically charged, the mere manifestation of Saudi Arabia’s paranoiac fear that  Iran might one day ambition to dissolve its mighty Arabian empire, labelling the Houthis as Shia and inferring they represent Yemen’s entire Shia community has only served to fuel negative sectarian sentiment while stripping all Shia in Yemen from their inalienable national civil rights.

    The equation has been as follows: Houthis are Shia and therefore all Shia in Yemen are Houthis. Since all Houthis are in alliance with Iran and therefore inherently bad, all Shia in Yemen should be treated with suspicion and eventually neutralized.

    While this rhetoric serves the kingdom’s reactionary religious stance, appealing to its radical religious leadership, it has put Yemen and of course all Yemenis in the crossfire of a dangerous debate: freedom of religion. More importantly such a reduction of Yemen’s political, social, and religious makeup is as bias as it is profoundly erroneous.

    In the words of famous Irish politician, David Trimble,
     “The dark shadow we seem to see in the distance is not really a mountain ahead, but the shadow of the mountain behind—a shadow from the past thrown forward into our future. It is a dark sludge of historical sectarianism. We can leave it behind us if we wish.”

    So what happened in Yemen that the world has felt compelled to revert to religious labeling and shaming in order to advance its political agenda on the ground?

    The first element here that needs to be understood is that Saudi Arabia, the main instigator of violence and promoter of hate, is itself defined within the parameters of religious radicalism— in essence, reactionary Sunni Wahhabis are prone to reject anything that does not fall in line with their understanding of the divine. This trait has been amply demonstrated by Riyadh in its brutal and often bloody repression campaign against Shia rights activists in the eastern province of  Qatif.

    The arrest and subsequent sentencing to death of Sheikh Nimr Al Nimr stands as testimony to Saudi Arabia’s intolerance towards whoever or whatever is perceived to represent a threat to its authority—religious, political or otherwise.

    But back to Yemen….

    A Lesson in Religion: What is Zaidism?

    To better understand what is at play and truly grasp the tragedy that is unfolding in this once joyous nation of southern Arabia, one needs to go back to the social-religious makeup of Yemen.

    Yemen is a Muslim nation. And though Islam acts as the axis upon which the constitution has been weaved, it is important to understand that unlike its northern neighbor Saudi Arabia,
    Yemen is at heart a tolerant and religiously inclusive country.

    Now, Yemen’s Muslim population can be broken down into two main religious groups: the Sunnis to the south and the Zaidis to the north.

    Zaidism, the oldest branch of Shia Islam, carries very little difference to Sunnism—at least not in the sense many might think. Just as Sunni Islam is not Saudi Arabia, Zaidism is not Shia Iran.

    Now, about 40 percent of Yemen’s total population is Zaidi. Yemen’s Zaidi tradition dates back to eighth century AD, when the Ummah (Muslim community) was experiencing its first great schism.

    Inspired by Imam Hussein’s grandson, Zayd, Zaidis are also known as Fivers and are different in their philosophy from the Twelvers—mainstream Shia Islam.

    With a religious tradition stretching back across the centuries, Yemeni Zaidis are hardly an oddity or even a new religious phenomenon as some media have attempted to portray them to be. If the world suddenly woke up to Yemen’s Zaidi character, it is mainly because the religious suddenly appeared as a potent political catalyst, a weapon of opportunity.

    Came along the Houthis…. As it happens, the Houthis, a tribal faction from northern Sa’ada organized politically under the denomination, Ansarallah, are Zaidi Muslims. And while they never hid this factor from their identity, their affiliation to Zaidi Islam has been of no consequence when it comes to their political demands.

    Like any other political groups in Yemen, the Houthis have defined themselves through their demands, not their faith, as the Saudis and the world would do for them!

    While all Houthi tribesmen—not to be confused with the group’s political arm, Ansarallah, since the faction now includes within its ranks Sunnis—are Zaidis, not all Zaidis are Houthis. The Houthis are merely a tribal group within Yemen; they do not speak or represent the whole of Yemen’s Zaidi community. And while the Houthis carry immense weight within Ansarallah, not all Ansarallah members are Houthis. Many of Ansarallah leaders—Ali Al Amad, for example—do not belong to the Houthi tribe.

    It is this confusion that has fed the wave of abuses that has befallen Yemen Zaidis and to a greater extent Yemen’s broad Shia community.

    As noted by Hawra Zakery, a rights activist with Shia Rights Watch, “Considering the increasing anti-Shia movements in Middle East, it is critical that politicians and media outlets differentiate between militant groups and majority of Shia populations in order to present this minority in a more realistic picture.”

    She added, “The Houthis themselves say to aim to speak for the Yemeni people and represent the Yemeni people’s aspirations, beyond religious dogma and such differentiation is critical.”

    The Shia Boogeyman

    Shia Islam stands now the boogeyman, the twisted religious ideology that everyone is so very scared of. Thing is, no one really knows why. And therein lies an interesting question indeed.

    Why is it, for example, that the Houthis continue to be labelled as this “Shia rebel group” when other groups do not enjoy the same flurry of adjectives?  Not even Al Qaida. Why not describe Al Qaida as this Sunni radical/Wahhabi terror group? Or would that be upsetting for Saudi Arabia? Would that automatically entails painting off all Wahhabis and Sunnis for that matter, under the terror brush?

    Actually yes it would! And of course that would be unfair, prejudice and above all self-defeating.

    Playing religion
    to fuel negative sentiments and somewhat rationalize violence will only lead to more senseless violence and bloodshed.

    And while the world remains at war with Yemen, Shia Rights Watch has rung the alarm, calling on world powers to honor their commitments to international law and human rights and change the pervasive narrative which is tearing Yemen apart from the inside out.

    “Freedom of religion is an alienable right. Yemen’s Shia community should not be turned into a political target so that to fit foreign powers’ agenda. People should not have to feel threatened in their religious identity and be turned into easy targets of hate, shun by society as they are members of a minority,” said SRW in a statement.

    SRW actually argues that groups such as Al Qaida and ISIS have benefited from the rise of anti-Shia sentiments, both in Yemen and the broader region, as reducing the debate to a framework of Sunni versus Shia fits directly into its politico-religious narrative. The rights groups have not been alone in this assessment.

    Marwa Osman, a political analyst and commentator with RT stressed earlier this April that Saudi Arabia’s anti-Shia campaign will carry heavy repercussions throughout the Middle East.

    “The violence in Yemen began this month on March fourth when a car bomb exploded outside a stadium in Beitha,”  wrote SRW in its March report, “which resulted in the death of 10 Shias and the wounding of 50 more. This was only the beginning of the casualties as 167 Shias were murdered, and 400 were injured. 143 of the deaths and 350 of the injuries took place on March 20th when the Islamic State terrorists performed four mosque bombings. This is the first month this year that Yemen has had reported anti-Shia incidents, but the invasion by neighboring Gulf States may bring more casualties. The Arab coalition forces have already begun racking up the civilian casualties, which include a refugee camp, and the invasion cannot end well.”

     
     

    More troubling yet, Yemeni Zaidis have been turned away from hospitals in the capital, refused care by doctors on account of their Zaidism over the past few months—yet another manifestation of this new rising hatred politicians and media have fueled and fed.


    Hossam Al Hamdi, an administrator at one of Sana’a hospitals said he personally witnessed two incidents when Zaidi  patients were told to leave the premises and seek treatment elsewhere. “There’s been a great deal of tensions within the communities as a lot of people have transferred their political antipathy of the Houthis onto all Yemeni Zaidis … This is really a worrying development as Yemen has never experienced such problems before.”


    While Yemen suffered many woes over the years, decades and centuries, sectarianism was never part of the equation. Are we to believe that Yemen Zaidi community, which community has been around since the eighth century suddenly became a potent threat to national security? Or is it that politicians would much rather exploit religion to rationalize very worldly ambitions: money and power.


    This war in Yemen is not a religious one, but world powers are doing a really good job at turning it into one.


    Let us all remember why Saudi Arabia sent the heavy cavalry in Yemen: oil and control over the world oil route.

    Catherine Shakdam


    Catherine Shakdam is a political analyst for the Middle East with a special focus on Yemen and radical movements. The Associate Director of the Beirut Center for Middle Eastern Studies, she has contributed her analyses to the Middle East Monitor, Foreign Policy Association, Your Middle East, IslamistGate, Majalla, ABNA, Open Democracy, International Policy Digest, Eurasia Review and many more. A regular commentator on NewsMax and Etijah TV she has also worked as a contributing analyst for Wikistrat and helped oversee several rights campaign in both Yemen and Bahrain.